scholarly journals Brexiting CMS

Organization ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (5) ◽  
pp. 636-648 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandra Bristow ◽  
Sarah Robinson

Brexit could be seen as the largest popular rebellion against the power elites in the UK modern history. It is also part of a larger phenomenon – the resurgence of nationalism and right-wing politics within Europe, the United States and beyond. Bringing in its wake the worrying manifestations of racism, xenophobia and anti-intellectualism, Brexit and its consequences should be a core concern for Critical Management Studies academics in helping to shape post-Brexit societies, organizations and workplaces, and in fighting and challenging the sinister forces that permeate them. In this article, we consider how CMS can rise to the challenges and possibilities of this ‘phenomenon-in-the-making’. We reflect on the intellectual tools available to CMS researchers and the ways in which they may be suited to this task. In particular, we explore how the key positions of anti-performativity, critical performativity, political performativity and public CMS can be used as a starting point for thinking about the potential relevance of CMS in Brexit and post-Brexit contexts. Our intention is to encourage CMS-ers to contribute positively to the post-Brexit world in academic as well as personal capacities. For this, we argue that a new public CMS is needed, which would (1) be guided by the premise that we have no greater and no lesser right than anyone else to shape the world, (2) entail as much critical reflexivity in relation to our unintended performativities as our intended ones and (3) be underpinned by marginalism as a critical political project.

2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-392
Author(s):  
Thomas W. Cawkwell

Britain’s war in Afghanistan – specifically its latter stages, where the UK’s role and casualties sustained in the conflict rose dramatically – coincided with the institutional emergence of Ministry of Defence-led ‘Strategic Communication’. This article examines the circumstances through which domestic strategic communication developed within the UK state and the manner in which the ‘narratives’ supporting Britain’s role in Afghanistan were altered, streamlined and ‘securitised’. I argue that securitising the Afghanistan narrative was undertaken with the intention of misdirecting an increasingly sceptical UK public from the failure of certain aspects of UK counter-insurgency strategy – specifically its counter-narcotics and stabilisation efforts – by focusing on counter-terrorism, and of avoiding difficult questions about the UK’s transnational foreign and defence policy outlook vis-à-vis the United States by asserting that Afghanistan was primarily a ‘national security’ issue. I conclude this article by arguing that the UK’s domestic strategic communication approach of emphasising ‘national security interests’ may have created the conditions for institutionalised confusion by reinforcing a narrow, self-interested narrative of Britain’s role in the world that runs counter to its ongoing, ‘transnationalised’ commitments to collective security through the United States and NATO.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 324
Author(s):  
Zheming Zhang

<p>With the continuous development and evolution of the United States, especially the economic center shift after World War II, the United States become the economic hegemon instead of the UK and thus it seized the economic initiative of the world. After the World War I, the European countries gradually withdraw from the gold standard. In order to stabilize the world economy development and the international economic order, the United States prepared to build the economic system related with its own interests so as to force the UK to return to the gold standard. The game between the United States and the UK shows the significance of economic initiative. Among them, the outcome of the two countries in the fight of the financial system also demonstrates a significant change in the world economic system.</p>


Author(s):  
Ingrid N. Pinto-López ◽  
Cynthia M. Montaudon-Tomas

This chapter analyzes fuzzy reliability theory using bibliometric analysis. Different aspects of fuzzy have already been analyzed using bibliometric analysis, and a series of bibliometric tools have also been used. VOSviewer software was used to identify maps showing the most relevant trends. The analysis includes scientific articles, citations, journals, authors, universities, keywords, and countries. Results show that countries belonging mainly to Asia are at the avant-garde in terms of research in the field, China and India being the most productive countries in terms of the number of articles published, citations, and universities invested in the topic. Other countries in North America, such as Canada and the United States, and in Europe, the UK, Poland, Italy, and France, also show a great interest in this area of science. Research on the topic is relatively recent. The first articles were published in 1991; therefore, it presents excellent opportunities that will quite possibly attract researchers and universities from different regions of the world.


Author(s):  
Peter Baldwin

To Return To The Bulk of our material in this book, what absolute differences separate the United States from Europe? The United States is a nation where proportionately more people are murdered each year, more are jailed, and more own guns than anywhere in Europe. The death penalty is still law. Religious belief is more fervent and widespread. A smaller percentage of citizens vote. Collective bargaining covers relatively fewer workers, and the state’s tax take is lower. Inequality is somewhat more pronounced. That is about it. In almost every other respect, differences are ones of degree, rather than kind. Oft en, they do not exist, or if they do, no more so than the same disparities hold true within Western Europe itself. At the very least, this suggests that farreaching claims to radical differences across the Atlantic have been overstated. Even on violence—a salient difference that leaps unprompted from the evidence, both statistical and anecdotal—the contrast depends on how it is framed. Without question, murder rates are dramatically different across the Atlantic. And, of course, murder is the most shocking form of sudden, unexpected death, unsettling communities, leaving survivors bereaved and mourning. But consider a wider definition of unanticipated, immediate, and profoundly disrupting death. Suicide is oft en thought of as the exit option for old, sick men anticipating the inevitable, and therefore not something that changes the world around them. But, in fact, the distribution of suicide over the lifespan is broadly uniform. In Iceland, Ireland, the UK, and the United States, more young men (below forty-five) than old do themselves in. In Finland, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and Norway, the figures are almost equal. Elsewhere, the older have a slight edge. But overall, the ratio between young and old suicides approximates 1:1. Broadly speaking, and sticking with the sex that most oft en kills itself, men do away with themselves as oft en when they are younger and possibly still husbands, fathers, and sons as they do when they are older and when their actions are perhaps fraught with less consequence for others. Suicide is as unsettling, and oft en even more so, for survivors as murder.


Author(s):  
Rodney A. Smolla

This chapter begins with an account of Anna Anderson, an immigrant to the United States who claimed to be the Grand Duchess Anastasia of Russia that was exposed to be fake after a DNA test. It discusses the collusive connections between Russia and the American radical alt-right. It also identifies several figures that were prominent in the Unite the Right events in Charlottesville in 2017 and strongly supported the candidacy and presidency of Donald Trump. The chapter highlights how alt-right groups idolize Russia's leader Vladimir Putin, seeing him as the sort of strong-willed authoritarian dedicated to “traditional values” that the world needs. It discloses how Russia has been the hospitable home and host of American right-wing extremists, such as David Duke who moved to Russia in 1999.


2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-99
Author(s):  
Diana Chiş-Manolache ◽  
Ciprian Chiş

AbstractGenerally speaking, the relations between different states of the world, but especially between the states that represent world powers or have a certain type of arsenal, are able to influence the stability and the state of calmness from a certain region of the world, but also the notion of peace at the globally level. The 2020 year began with such a situation, in the sense that United States of America and Iran, which have been for a long period in relations not among the most well, have arrived at a moment that could represent, to a very large extent, the starting point of a conflict that will enter in the world history. The elimination of a very important Iranian general by US troops in early January 2020, by a surprise attack amonk Iraqian teritory, markedly aggravated relations between the United States of America and Iran, but also between the great world power and Iraq or other major global players who have harshly criticized the US attack.


Author(s):  
Alexander Dhoest

Homonationalism, as defined by Jasbir Puar, refers to the growing embrace of LGBT rights by (mostly Western) nations, as well as the parallel complicity of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) individuals and associations with nationalist politics. First developed in the context of the U.S. “war on terror,” where the United States presented itself as exceptionally LGBT-friendly in contrast to “homophobic” Muslim others, the concept of homonationalism was quickly adopted by authors across the world and in different disciplines, writing on a number of LGBT-friendly in-groups in contrast to a number of homophobic out-groups. Besides the United States, other Western countries figure prominently as in-groups in this literature, particularly Western and Northern European ones, but also larger regions such as the European Union (EU) as well as subnations such as Catalonia and Québec. Muslims constitute the most prominent out-group in homonationalist discourses, although other groups and regions also appear, in particular, African countries and, in the European context, Central and Eastern Europe as well as Russia. In each case, a simplistic opposition is set up between a homogeneously modern and LGBT-friendly “us” and an equally homogeneous antimodern homophobic “them.” These discourses are prominent in (often right-wing) politics but are equally replicated across a range of media, which play a crucial role in the spread of homonationalist discourses but remain underexplored to date.


Author(s):  
Chris Draffen ◽  
Yee-Fui Ng

Regulators and governments around the world have been active of late in considering the best method by which to hold accountable foreign influence on political processes. Australia’s response to this issue was to pass a package of laws, including the Foreign Influence Transparency Scheme Act (‘FITSA’), which creates a new public register for those acting on behalf of a foreign principal. This article compares FITSA against the US Act on which it is based: the Foreign Agents Registration Act (‘FARA’). It shows that, largely, FITSA is better targeted than FARA towards ensuring that actors that merit registration are caught by its provisions. However, FITSA does not entirely address the potential risks inherent in this style of law. The authors argue that despite the objective of transparency inherent in such schemes, they may ultimately have a disproportionate effect on actors with access to fewer resources. Accordingly, the article proposes high-level principles to rethink this form of regulation based on refocusing foreign agent schemes to their underlying justification, recasting the regulatory net, and recalibrating discussions about ‘foreigners’.


Media-N ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-45
Author(s):  
Matt Bernico

There is an unexplored synergy between the ways media archaeology and decolonial theory handle the notion of modernity. Both consider modernity as happening at different places and at different times: modernity is an event that is larger than Europe or the United States. Using this resonance, this article will make a media archaeological reading of the decolonial theorists, Walter Mignolo and Santiago Castro-Gomez’s concept, the zero point. The zero point will be read as a media topos present throughout the immersive media that grounds much western media history and visual culture. Finally, based on these criticisms, this article will offer an alternative starting point based in the imaginary media of Adolfo Bioy Casares’ novel, The Invention of Morel. The goal of this intervention is to demonstrate the way the western paradigm of technology has imperialized the imaginations of the world and to offer another place for media artists and technologists to begin from.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 125-137

The coronavirus disease (COVID-19) is a highly contagious viral infection caused by severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2), which originated in Wuhan, China, and spread around the world. We have understudied the epidemiological and geographical pattern of distribution of COVID-19 in five different continents of global spread. An online sample of distribution was successfully recruited from America, Africa, Oceania, Asia, and Europe. The epidemiological curve and pattern of geographical distribution as of 9th and 10th April 2020 were also reviewed and results show that European countries like France, Spain, Italy, the UK and the United States of America indicate an epidemic progression relative to the same curve detected in China in January and February 2020. European countries record more cases since the outbreak of the resulted deadly COVID-19, followed by Asia and America. We call for a vital need for countries to develop effective vaccines and therapeutic combinations to cope with this viral outbreak globally.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document