Beyond de jure and de facto boundaries: tracing the imperial geographies of US law

2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 397-418
Author(s):  
Freya Irani

Since 1945, US judges have extended numerous “domestic” US laws (including securities and antitrust laws) to govern economic transactions taking place “abroad”. However, they have generally failed to extend US labor and employment laws to govern employer–employee relationships outside “US territory”. Through a close reading of federal court decisions and drawing on recent work in the field of critical legal studies, this article makes an argument for centering the study of jurisdiction in International Relations scholarship and for approaching states as instantiated in their jurisdictional assertions. I suggest that such an approach enables us to capture the geographies—including the imperial geographies—of US law in the “normal,” everyday course of affairs. In particular, such an approach allows us to see that, since the mid-20th century, the legal authority and legal relations of the US government have come to be organized around the notion of the national economy (rather than simply around, for example, notions of territory or citizenship). What this means is that it is increasingly a posited relationship to this national economy that determines whether people and corporations, wherever in the world they are located, are subjected to or protected by US law.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Israa Daas ◽  

Abstract The Palestine-Israel conflict is probably one of the most pressing problems in the Middle East. Moreover, the United States has been involved in this conflict since the 1970s. Therefore, the present research aims to learn more about the American perception of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. It was conducted using a survey that addressed Americans from different backgrounds, focusing on four variables: the American government’s position, solutions, the Israeli settlements, and Jerusalem. The research suggests a correlation between political party and the American perception of the conflict. It appears that Republicans seem to be against the withdrawal of the Israeli settlements, and they believe that the US government is not biased toward Israel. Nevertheless, Democrats tend to believe that the US government is biased in favor of Israel, and they support withdrawing the Israeli settlements. Moreover, there might be another correlation between the American perception and the source of information they use to learn about the conflict. Most of the surveyed Americans, whatever their resource of information that they use to learn about the conflict is, tend to believe that the US is biased in favor of Israel. It is crucial to know about the American perception when approaching to a solution to the conflict as the US is a mediator in this conflict, and a powerful country in the world. Especially because it has a permanent membership in the UN council. KEYWORDS: American Perception, Palestine-Israel Conflict, Jerusalem, Israeli settlements


2017 ◽  
Vol 139 (05) ◽  
pp. 32-37
Author(s):  
Tim Sprinkle

This article discusses reasons for various American startup companies to shift abroad for funding and production, and their impact on the American business scenarios. Founders are accepting funding from overseas investors, setting up supply chains in different parts of the world, servicing customers internationally, and even selling their businesses to foreign government-backed funds. Although the idea of losing American inventions and technologies to international investors and buyers is not generally good for public relations, the current landscape of global startup development has winners on both sides, and overseas involvement in US companies does not necessarily mean a net loss domestically. The US government must find a way to move the US economy forward, preventing predatory pricing and mercantilist practices by exporters while at the same time reaping the international flow of ideas and funds that power innovation. The experts believe that ignoring the rest of the world would not only limit the growth potential of US startups, but over time would reduce America’s global leadership in innovation.


Author(s):  
Al. A. Gromyko

The research is focused on several key problems in the system of international relations influenced by the COVID-19 pandemic. It is shown that the events caused by it and broadly identified as a coronacrisis have a direct impact on the world economic contradictions (pandenomica) and political ones, including the sphere of security. These particular aspects are chosen as the main objects of the research. The author contends that the factor of the pandemic has sharpened the competition between regional and global players and has increased the role of a nation- state. In the conditions of transregional deglobalisation, regionalism and “protectionism 2.0” get stronger under the banners of “strategic vulnerability” and “economic sovereignty”. A further weakening of multilateral international institutions continues. The EU endeavours to secure competitive advantages on the basis of relocalisation, industrial and digital policies and the Green Deal. The article highlights the deterioration in the relations among Russia, the US, the EU and China, the unfolding decoupling between Washington and its European allies, which stimulates the idea of the EU strategic autonomy. An urgent need for the deconfliction in Russia – NATO interaction is stated.


2015 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Austan D. Goolsbee ◽  
Alan B. Krueger

The rescue of the US automobile industry amid the 2008–2009 recession and financial crisis was a consequential, controversial, and difficult decision made at a fraught moment for the US economy. Both of us were involved in the decision process at the time, but since have moved back to academia. More than five years have passed since the bailout began, and it is timely to look back at this unusual episode of economic policymaking to consider what we got right, what we got wrong, and why. In this article, we describe the events that brought two of the largest industrial companies in the world to seek a bailout from the US government, the analysis that was used to evaluate the decision (including what the alternatives were and whether a rescue would even work), the steps that were taken to rescue and restructure General Motors and Chrysler, and the performance of the US auto industry since the bailout. We close with general lessons to be learned from the episode.


2018 ◽  
pp. 183-221
Author(s):  
Thomas H. Conner

This chapter looks at the longer aftermath of WWII and traces the creation of the second generation of ABMC sites. Focusing on the process of securing grounds overseas, allowing family members to decide where their loved ones would be buried, and obtaining US government clearance on designs, the account is reminiscent of the start of the ABMC and its first project. By 1960, fourteen cemetery memorials had been dedicated. This chapter also highlights the leadership of the agency’s second chairman, General George C. Marshall, and his direction of the building of memorials in eight countries to remember the 400,000 Americans who had died and the 16 million who had served in WWII. Marshall’s high standing in the US government and in the public esteem, just as was true of Pershing, greatly helped the agency to fulfill its renewed mission. The special treatment shown the grave of General George S. Patton in the Luxembourg American Cemetery is also detailed.


2020 ◽  
pp. 211-232
Author(s):  
Robert Sutter

This chapter reviews Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and People’s Republic of China (PRC) interactions with the United States since the 1940s, and it reveals a general pattern of the United States at the very top of China’s foreign priorities. Among those few instances where China seemed to give less attention to the United States was the post-2010 period, which saw an ever more powerful China advancing at US expense. However, China’s rapid advance in economic, military, and diplomatic power has progressively alarmed the US government, which now sees China as its main international danger. Looking forward into the future, deteriorating US-China relations have enormous consequences for both countries, the Asia-Pacific region, and the world.


2005 ◽  
Vol 104 (679) ◽  
pp. 77-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Holiday

In the immediate aftermath of the 1992 peace accords, El Salvador was cited frequently by the United Nations and even the World Bank as a country that, with the international community's help, effectively managed its transition from civil war to peace and reconciliation. Thirteen years later, only the US government views the Salvadoran model so favorably.


2007 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 66-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yoshifumi Takeda ◽  

The global threat of new infectious diseases first became widely recognized in the 1990s. The US government published a report on emerging and reemerging infectious diseases followed by the World Health Organization (WHO), which adopted the slogan "Emerging Infectious Diseases: Global Alert, Global Response" in 1997. Typical examples of the more than 30 infectious diseases emerging since 1970s are HIV/AIDS, Vibrio cholerae O139 infection, enterohemorrhagic Escherichia coli infection, severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS), and avian influenza. The New Infectious Diseases Control Law enacted in Japan in 1999 was to control these emerging infectious diseases and the already existing ones.


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