scholarly journals Informal institutions and gendered candidate selection in Brazilian parties

2021 ◽  
pp. 135406882110088
Author(s):  
Malu AC Gatto ◽  
Kristin N Wylie
Keyword(s):  
Gender Equity ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
State Level ◽  
Informal Institutions ◽  
Candidate Selection ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Party Organizations ◽  
Informal Practices ◽  
Electoral Cycles ◽  
Gender Quota

Six electoral cycles since the implementation of Brazil’s gender quota, just 15% of the 513 members of the Chamber of Deputies are women. We ask how parties’ use of informal institutions mediates the effectiveness of the gender quota. Drawing on data from more than 4,000 state-level party organizations, we show that parties employ informal practices that intentionally and non-intentionally interact with gender equity rules to affect women’s political representation: the intentional nomination of phantom candidates (“ laranjas”) allows parties to comply with the letter of the quota law, without effectively supporting women’s candidacies—to the detriment of women’s election; meanwhile, the extended use of provisional commissions to minimize oversight on candidate selection poses an obstacle to the quota and women’s candidacies and election more generally. Quota resistance characterizes an instance of both the likely inadvertent effects of informal institutions employed for non-gendered motivations and party leaders acting to preserve their own power.

Informal Institutions and Women’s Political Representation in Chile (1990–2015)

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Franceschet
Keyword(s):  
Political Representation ◽  
Informal Institutions ◽  
Women's Ministry ◽  
Gender Parity ◽  
Formal And Informal Institutions ◽  
Electoral Reforms ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Gender Quota ◽  
Female President ◽  
Elected Office

Despite electing a female president, Michelle Bachelet, and at one point achieving gender parity in cabinet appointments, women’s presence in Chile’s national congress remains small, is only slightly higher at local levels, and is extremely limited among party and coalition leaders. In her gendered analysis of representation, Susan Franceschet argues this is because of the strong formal and informal institutions that limit the size of electoral districts, require large thresholds to win seats, and require coalition negotiation over candidates for elected office. Even though women have a mixed record of representation, their presence has had important policy consequences. A gender-focused presidency has been critical for passage of gender-attentive policies. Women in Chile’s legislative arenas have been more likely to bring gender issues to the agenda. Franceschet points out that Sernam, the women’s ministry, has played a critically important role in this. The electoral reforms approved by congress in 2015 include a gender quota, creating expectations that improvements will continue.

Marginalization of Women and Male Privilege in Political Representation in Uruguay

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Niki Johnson
Keyword(s):  
Political Representation ◽  
Candidate Selection ◽  
Women In Politics ◽  
Substantive Representation ◽  
National Parliament ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Male Privilege ◽  
Formal And Informal Institutions ◽  
Political Office ◽  
Gender Quota

Niki Johnson shows that despite Uruguay being an institutionalized democracy, women have struggled to make numerical progress in politics. Formal and informal institutions that are inherently ridden with political biases limit women’s representation. Small district and party magnitudes along with male-biased candidate selection rules hindered women’s entry into office until the adoption of a gender quota, which was applied minimally by the main parties. Even with a quota, they still do not prioritize gender as a criterion for political office. Johnson points out that substantive representation of women has been historically strong. Uruguay has had a longstanding cross-party women’s caucus in the national parliament that has helped pass significant policies to help women. This contrasts with other countries where small numbers of women have meant more limited policy progress for women. Yet women still face numerous challenges both in terms of numbers and operating as women in politics in Uruguay.

Democratization and the Dynamics of Candidate Selection Rule Change in Mexico, 1991––2003

2006 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven T. Wuhs
Keyword(s):  
Selection Rule ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Candidate Selection ◽  
Selection Rules ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Party Organizations ◽  
Rule Change ◽  
Party Activists ◽  
Mixed Electoral System

Party leaders in Mexico face the challenge of maintaining party unity while remaining competitive in a democratizing context. Candidate selection rules are central to achieving both objectives. I argue that leaders must decide between ““open”” rules that nominate electable candidates and ““closed”” rules that build strong party organizations, and suggest that strategic interests are the most powerful determinant of rule choice. Despite an evident trend toward greater openness, however, party leaders have taken advantage of Mexico's mixed electoral system to preserve their own influence and placate party activists, while reaping the benefits of open rules. Los lííderes de los partidos polííticos en Mééxico se enfrentan al reto de mantener la cohesióón de sus partidos mientras buscan seguir ganando las elecciones. Los procesos de seleccióón de los candidatos son cruciales para lograr los dos objetivos. Planteo que los lííderes deben elegir entre procesos ““abiertos”” que producen candidatos atractivos y procesos ““cerrados”” que fortalecen los partidos mismos, y que las metas estratéégicas de los partidos tienen la mayor influencia en la seleccióón de las reglas. A pesar de una tendencia hacia mayor apertura, los lííderes, por medio del sistema electoral ““mixto”” de Mééxico, han conservado su propia influencia, conciliando con los activistas, mientras se aprovechan de los beneficios electorales de los procesos abiertos.

scholarly journals When Informality Advantages Women: Quota Networks, Electoral Rules and Candidate Selection in Mexico

2016 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 487-512 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer M. Piscopo
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Candidate Selection ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Electoral Rules ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
The Status ◽  
Party Elites ◽  
Party Members ◽  
Informal Practices

As gender quotas change the formal rules governing candidate selection, party leaders use informal practices in order to preserve the choicest candidacies for men. This article uses a critical case to highlight how the opposite also occurs. In Mexico, female elites built informal, cross-partisan networks that, in collaboration with state regulators, successfully eliminated political parties’ practices of allocating women the least-viable candidacies. Traditional party elites rely on informal tactics to secure the status quo, but female party members devise their own strategies to force changes to candidate selection, signalling that informality cannot be theorized as wholly negative for women.

The Democratic and Republican Governors Associations and the Nationalization of American Party Politics, 1961–1968

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Anthony Sparacino
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
State Level ◽  
Partisan Politics ◽  
State Governments ◽  
National Party ◽  
Government Programs ◽  
Party Organizations ◽  
Party Building ◽  
Electoral Outcomes ◽  
American Party

Abstract This article examines the origins and early activities of the Democratic and Republican Governors Associations (DGA and RGA, respectively) from the RGA's initial founding in 1961 through the 1968 national nominating conventions. I argue that the formations of these organizations were key moments in the transition from a decentralized to a more integrated and nationally programmatic party system. The DGA and RGA represent gubernatorial concern for and engagement in the development of national party programs and the national party organizations. Governors formed these groups because of the increasing importance of national government programs on the affairs of state governments and the recognition on the part of governors that national partisan politics was having critical effects on electoral outcomes at the state level, through the reputations of the national parties. To varying extents, the governors used these organizations to promote the national parties and contributed to national party-building efforts and the development of national party brands.

Party Brands and the Democratic and Republican National Committees, 1952–1976

2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Boris Heersink
Keyword(s):  
Service Providers ◽  
National Minority ◽  
National Committee ◽  
National Party ◽  
White House ◽  
Policy Positions ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Party Organizations ◽  
Minority Party ◽  
Party Brands

Political scientists have traditionally dismissed the Democratic and Republican National Committees as “service providers”—organizations that provide assistance to candidates in the form of campaign funding and expertise but otherwise lack political power. I argue this perspective has missed a crucial role national committees play in American politics, namely that national party organizations publicize their party's policy positions and, in doing so, attempt to create national party brands. These brands are important to party leaders—especially when the party is in the national minority—since they are fundamental to mobilizing voters in elections. In case studies covering the Democratic National Committee (DNC) and Republican National Committee (RNC) in the period 1952–1976, I show that minority party committees prioritize their branding role and invest considerably in their publicity divisions, inaugurate new publicity programs, and create new communication tools to reach out to voting groups. Additionally, I show that in cases where the party is out of the White House, the national committees have considerable leeway in deciding what party image to publicize. Rather than being mere powerless service providers, I show that party committees have played crucial roles in debates concerning questions of ideology and issue positioning in both parties.

Diminished Parties

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Comparative Politics ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Analytical Tool ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Developing Democracies ◽  
Party Organizations ◽  
Definition Of

Many contemporary party organizations are failing to fulfill their representational role in contemporary democracies. While political scientists tend to rely on a minimalist definition of political parties (groups of candidates that compete in elections), this volume argues that this misses how parties can differ not only in degree but also in kind. With a new typology of political parties, the authors provide a new analytical tool to address the role of political parties in democratic functioning and political representation. The empirical chapters apply the conceptual framework to analyze seventeen parties across Latin America. The authors are established scholars expert in comparative politics and in the cases included in the volume. The book sets an agenda for future research on parties and representation, and it will appeal to those concerned with the challenges of consolidating stable and programmatic party systems in developing democracies.

De kracht van de definitie : een vergelijking van quotawetten in Argentinië, België en Frankrijk

Res Publica ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-100
Author(s):  
Petra Meier
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Sex Ratios ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Electoral Process ◽  
Gender Balance ◽  
System A ◽  
Input Side ◽  
Gender Quota ◽  
French Gender

Gender quota do not always go hand in hand with a considerable rise in the number of women elected. Although the number of fe/male representatives elected depends on several factors, we argue that the stipulations of gender quota acts influence to a large extent their impact on the sex ratios in politics. This is not so much due to the share of fe/male candidates parties have to present than to the extent to which a gender quota act anticipates the particularities of the electoral system. A comparative analysis of three prominent cases, the Argentinean, Belgian and French gender quota acts, shows that the more a gender quota rule targets at the specificities of the electoral system in order to promote a gender balance in political representation, the more this rule 'guarantees' a result, even though gender quota acts concern but the input side of the electoral process.

How Grassroots Resistance Networks Boosted Pennsylvania Democrats in 2018

2020 ◽  
pp. 259-282
Author(s):  
Maximilian Frank
Keyword(s):  
Rural Areas ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
State Level ◽  
Women Candidates ◽  
Party Organizations ◽  
2016 Election ◽  
Political Office ◽  
Democratic Parties ◽  
Incumbent Party ◽  
Depth Interviews

After the 2016 election, Americans formed thousands of anti-Trump grassroots resistance groups across the country. This chapter draws from in-depth interviews and other evidence to explore the electoral activities and impact of such groups in six pivotal Pennsylvania swing counties around Philadelphia and Lehigh Valley. Formed in suburban and rural areas without historically strong Democratic Parties, these resistance groups revitalized local Democratic Party organizations and elected like-minded candidates to political office. Their members registered new Democratic voters and recruited, trained, and deployed volunteers to canvass door-to-door during crucial campaign moments. These groups, predominantly led by women, also supported many women candidates at both the federal and state level. Despite their broad support of Democratic candidates, resistance groups retained varying degrees of independence from party organizations and navigated occasional friction with incumbent party leadership. Resistance efforts helped Pennsylvania Democrats in 2018 and improved their future prospects, though questions remain about the extent to which they will remain independent of the Democratic Party in 2020 and beyond.

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