How Grassroots Resistance Networks Boosted Pennsylvania Democrats in 2018

2020 ◽  
pp. 259-282
Author(s):  
Maximilian Frank

After the 2016 election, Americans formed thousands of anti-Trump grassroots resistance groups across the country. This chapter draws from in-depth interviews and other evidence to explore the electoral activities and impact of such groups in six pivotal Pennsylvania swing counties around Philadelphia and Lehigh Valley. Formed in suburban and rural areas without historically strong Democratic Parties, these resistance groups revitalized local Democratic Party organizations and elected like-minded candidates to political office. Their members registered new Democratic voters and recruited, trained, and deployed volunteers to canvass door-to-door during crucial campaign moments. These groups, predominantly led by women, also supported many women candidates at both the federal and state level. Despite their broad support of Democratic candidates, resistance groups retained varying degrees of independence from party organizations and navigated occasional friction with incumbent party leadership. Resistance efforts helped Pennsylvania Democrats in 2018 and improved their future prospects, though questions remain about the extent to which they will remain independent of the Democratic Party in 2020 and beyond.

2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 293-317 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leah E. Gose ◽  
Theda Skocpol

The November 2016 election sparked nationwide resistance to the new Trump administration and Republican Congress. Initial studies have focused on public protests and professionally staffed advocacy organizations, but the resistance also includes thousands of volunteer-led grassroots groups. This article uses data from online surveys, fieldwork observations and interviews, and web searches to analyze the development, demographics, and activities of grassroots resistance groups located in multiple states as well as all parts of Pennsylvania. Starting right after the 2016 election, local resistance groups were founded in places of all sizes and partisan orientations through friendships and social media contacts. Most of their members and leaders are middle-class, college-educated white women. Groups have reached out to surrounding communities, generating and supporting candidates for local, state, and national public offices; and many participants seek to join and reform local Democratic Party organizations.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Joshua P. Bolton

After the riots at the 1968 Democratic National Convention, both parties altered the manner in which the party nominees were chosen. This change resulted in a shift for the conventions away from choosing the party nominee to setting the nominee and party up for the coming campaign. This study investigates the way various speeches play a role in branding the parties and their nominee. By analyzing the prime time speeches for both the Republican and Democratic Parties from 1972-2016, this study found the role each genre of address played in crafting the party brand. Notably, the analysis discovered the keynote address has three subgenres (former primary opponent, former or outgoing president, and party member representing a key constituency) with each serving a different role when utilized. Primary opponents promote party unity, former or outgoing presidents discuss their legacy to indicate the nominee is the heir to that legacy, and representatives of key constituencies attack the opposition while promoting party ideals. Spousal addresses focus on promoting a family narrative. Vice Presidential Nominees focus their branding efforts on attacking the opposition. Presidential nominees discuss a leadership narrative and policy branding. The nature of the election also impacts the party branding. An incumbent president or vice president usually has the incumbent party branding themselves as proven leaders while their opposition brand themselves as the party of change. Open elections have involved the parties battling over a qualified insider against a political outsider offering change. Finally, the Democratic Party has been less stable over the years than the Republicans in their branding. Democrats have shifted from the center to more liberal multiple times in an effort to meet the perceived desires of the American voter.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (12) ◽  
pp. 6643
Author(s):  
Carmen Bizzarri ◽  
Roberto Micera

The paper comes from the need to search for criteria useful for the valorization of heritage towns, located in rural and/or inland areas of Italy, now affected by depression and depopulation process. To this end, the authors point out how territorial identity can constitute the theoretical foundation to influence development policies and, in particular, tourism development for the sustainability process. It was therefore decided to interview a number of stakeholders who could contribute, with their professionalism and expertise, to identifying possible paths and processes for the enhancement of these areas for tourism development. The methodology was based on in-depth interviews, which allowed for the identification of a of a Strength, Weakness, Opportunities and Threat (SWOT) analysis, offering a guideline for the correct governance of these rural areas for their tourist enhancement in terms of the sustainability of development and tourist attractiveness. The study is an observatory that will monitor the implementation of sustainable tourism enhancement of the “borghi”.


2018 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mads Thau

Abstract In Denmark, as in other Western European countries, the working class does not vote for social democratic parties to the same extent as before. Yet, what role did the social democratic parties themselves play in the demobilization of class politics? Building on core ideas from public opinion literature, this article differs from the focus on party policy positions in previous work and, instead, focuses on the group-based appeals of the Social Democratic Party in Denmark. Based on a quantitative content analysis of party programs between 1961 and 2004, I find that, at the general level, class-related appeals have been replaced by appeals targeting non-economic groups. At the specific level, the class-related appeals that remain have increasingly been targeting businesses at the expense of traditional left-wing groups such as wage earners, tenants and pensioners. These findings support a widespread hypothesis that party strategy was crucial in the decline of class politics, but also suggests that future work on class mobilization should adopt a group-centered perspective.


Author(s):  
Anthony Sparacino

Abstract This article examines the origins and early activities of the Democratic and Republican Governors Associations (DGA and RGA, respectively) from the RGA's initial founding in 1961 through the 1968 national nominating conventions. I argue that the formations of these organizations were key moments in the transition from a decentralized to a more integrated and nationally programmatic party system. The DGA and RGA represent gubernatorial concern for and engagement in the development of national party programs and the national party organizations. Governors formed these groups because of the increasing importance of national government programs on the affairs of state governments and the recognition on the part of governors that national partisan politics was having critical effects on electoral outcomes at the state level, through the reputations of the national parties. To varying extents, the governors used these organizations to promote the national parties and contributed to national party-building efforts and the development of national party brands.


Author(s):  
Sheri Berman

The decline of the centre-left over the past years is one of the most alarming trends in Western politics. During the latter part of the 20th century such parties either ran the government or led the loyal Opposition in virtually every Western democracy. Germany’s Social Democratic Party (SPD), once the most powerful party of the left in continental Europe, currently polls in high 20s or 30s. The French Socialist Party was eviscerated in the 2017 elections, as was the Dutch Labour Party. Even the vaunted Scandinavian social democratic parties are struggling, reduced to vote shares in the 30 per cent range. The British Labour Party and the US Democrats have been protected from challengers by their country’s first-past-the-post electoral systems, but the former has recently taken a sharp turn to the hard-left under Jeremy Corbyn, while the latter, although still competitive at the national level, is a minority party at the state and local levels, where a hard-right Republican Party dominates the scene....


2019 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-142
Author(s):  
Alicia Kubas

Purpose Since the 2016 presidential election, hyper-partisanship has become a regular facet of the political landscape with Democrats and Republicans in increasing conflict. The purpose of this paper is to determine if perception of government sources related to trust and credibility has changed since the 2016 election and if the experiences and strategies of librarians who teach or consult about government information has changed in response to this environment. Design/methodology/approach A 24-question survey was distributed to garner qualitative and quantitative responses from librarians who teach or consult about government information in an academic environment. A total of 122 responses were used for analysis. Findings Academic librarians are seeing more concern from patrons about disappearing online government information and wider distrust of government information. Librarians also noticed that the political leanings of students color their perspective around government sources and that librarians also need to keep their political beliefs in check. Respondents emphasized a need for more government literacy and information literacy topics when discussing evaluation of government sources. Research limitations/implications The data collection only included responses from academic librarians. Further research could include in-depth interviews and look at experiences in various library types. Originality/value With the timeliness of this topic, there has not been an in-depth investigation into how the Trump administration has changed user trust and perception of government sources from the librarian’s point of view. This paper continues the conversation about how librarians can address the growing distrust of government information and give us insight into the effects of a turbulent political climate on government sources.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (5) ◽  
pp. 125-131
Author(s):  
Dengpeng  Jing

With the rapid development of society and economy, grassroots organizations in rural pastoral areas are an important part of party building, shouldering the mission of implementing party policies, and playing an important role in leading herdsmen to fight poverty and realize basic modernization in rural areas. The mission and responsibilities of grassroots party organizations in rural and pastoral areas are undergoing profound changes. Strengthening the construction of grassroots party organizations in rural and pastoral areas will help promote the relationship between the party and the masses, cadres and the masses in rural and pastoral areas, and promote the establishment of party organizations in rural and pastoral areas. At present, grassroots party building in rural pastoral areas is facing new challenges, such as insufficient party organization building, and unclear power boundaries between party organizations and villagers’ autonomous organizations. Only by accelerating the construction of infrastructure and public services in rural pastoral areas and doing a good job in the construction of rural grassroots party organizations can improve the level of party building in rural pastoral areas and promote the basic modernization of rural areas.


with carrying out the decentralization reform public administration mechanisms play an important role in ensuring the comprehensive development of rural areas. Expanding the use of such mechanisms in the sphere of cooperation on the state level will facilitate development and support of small entrepreneurial forms, common use of material and technical basis, emerging new working places, building social infrastructure and engineering communications, providing qualitative services to citizens and preserving rural settlements. The objective of the article is to identify constituents of the comprehensive mechanism of public administration for development of service cooperation of rural areas in Ukraine and to integrate them into a coherent system which would facilitate realization of the state strategies and programmes to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals. The object of the research is a comprehensive mechanism of public administration for development of service cooperation. Research methodology is grounded upon the use of general scientific knowledge methods, in particular, logical and semantic, induction and deduction for formulating definitions, systemic and situational analysis for characterizing constituents of a comprehensive mechanism and identifying their interrelations. Based on the systemic approach it has been defined that comprehensive mechanism is an integrated system which combines interrelated and dependable functioning of legislative, institutional, organisational and economic, financial and credit, information and communication as well as staffing mechanisms in the sphere of developing cooperative movement in the rural localities. It is proved that every mechanism influences its particular direction and is formed at the international, national, regional and local levels based on cooperative values and generalized system of principles. Special attention is paid to the research of international and national legislation to generalize the system of principles of cooperation, intermunicipal cooperation, public authorities and public associations’ functioning, upon which the comprehensive mechanism for public administration of service cooperation development in rural areas of Ukraine is based.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 95
Author(s):  
Samari Samari ◽  
Ema Nurzainul Hakimah

This study aims to uncover and find out the meaning behind traditional retailer's marketing patterns, customer attitudes toward the application of these patterns and more in analyzing the interactions between traditional retailers and their customers and to learn the subjective norms that occur in these marketing patterns.This research is a qualitative research with ethnometodology approach. The study was conducted by direct observation and in-depth interviews with traditional retailers and their customers. Informants were selected with criteria 5 R occupying rural areas of Kediri, the chosen ones were Blabak village, Kandat district, Kediri district and Blabak village, Pesantren district, Kediri city. The observations themselves were made during the sale and purchase transactions at each traditional store, which then conducted open interviews to reveal the subjective norms that occur in the marketing pattern. The results of observations and in-depth interviews in this study indicate that the four dimensions of Hofstade's culture, namely Power Distance, Collectivism, Femininity, Uncertainty Avoidance develop positively where retailers place and make themselves as partners, brothers who empathize with customers by using a basic attitude of mutual trust for fluency fulfillment of each other's needs. The noble values of the culture of the people of Kediri in buying and selling "nya nggowo, podho mlakune" based on high trust give birth to stronger customer loyalty, especially when traditional retailers also practice the service quality dimension of reliability, assurance, tangibles, empathy and responsiveness.Keywords: cultural dimensions, traditional retailers, siding marketing patterns


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