Electoral Cycles in Federal Government Prime Contract Awards: State-Level Evidence from the 1988 and 1992 Presidential Elections

1995 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 162 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth R. Mayer
2012 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 197
Author(s):  
Michael Ulrich, BS, JD

During oral arguments for the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, Justice Breyer on several occasions questioned whether the federal government could compel individuals to be vaccinated in the event of a national emergency where a highly contagious disease was sweeping through the country. This article does not seek to predict or analyze the legal implications of such an action; rather it argues that a national approach to such an emergency should be implemented. Recent concerns over the potential for H5N1, or “bird flu,” to become airborne illustrate the type of epidemic that Justice Breyer may have been envisioning. By broaching this subject now, instead of in the midst of an outbreak, adequate time is left to research appropriate solutions, allow for debate, and provide public education.While vaccination laws are typically promulgated on the state level under state police power, these compulsory laws are accompanied by exemptions that can undermine their effectiveness. For example, religious and philosophical exemptions have led to outbreaks of pertussis, or whooping cough, in multiple states. Considering the various state exemptions along with laws granting governors and health officials broad power to alter vaccination laws during emergencies, it is nearly impossible to predict how individual states will respond. Legally and ethically speaking, the rights of individuals are not absolute and cannot be utilized to subject others to harm.A federal compulsory vaccination law allows for balancing individual rights and public health, with the interests of the nation as a whole in mind.


2008 ◽  
Vol 41 (04) ◽  
pp. 723-728 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carl Klarner

This paper applies the forecasting models of Klarner and Buchanan (2006a) for the U.S. Senate and Klarner and Buchanan (2006b) for the U.S. House of Representatives to the upcoming 2008 elections. Forecasts are also conducted for the 2008 presidential race at the state level. The forecasts presented in this article, made July 28, 2008 (99 days before the election), predicted an 11-seat gain for the Democrats in the House of Representatives, a three-seat gain for the Democrats in the Senate, and that Barack Obama would obtain 53.0% of the popular vote and 346 electoral votes. Furthermore, Obama was forecast to have an 83.6% chance of winning the White House and an 85.9% chance of winning the popular vote.


Norteamérica ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ernesto Domínguez López

 This article examines presidential election processes in the state of Florida. A set of criteria is proposed for the definition of its swing state condition whereby it can be observed that Florida is in compliance since the early 1990s. The electoral impact of Florida is considered in light of the growth of its electoral college and its transformation into a swing state is interpreted as a state-level expression of the political realignment that followed the transition period of the 1970s and the 1980s. An ongoing trend of changes in the composition of Hispanic communities is also observed, as well as variations in their electoral behaviors. Within the frame of a national transition process, the registered trends and data indicate the existence of suitable conditions for a new political realignment in Florida as part of a nationwide realignment. The emerging configuration of the political system in this state is undetermined. 


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Lazer ◽  
Alexi Quintana ◽  
Jon Green ◽  
Katherine Ognyanova ◽  
Hanyu Chwe ◽  
...  

In every month, April through October of 2020, we surveyed individuals in every state about how federal and state governments are reacting to the pandemic. We found a remarkably consistent picture of public opinion: respondents prefer state governments over the federal government when it comes to COVID-19. Out of 8 waves in 50 states & DC − a total of 408 surveys at the state level − in 402 state-level surveys more people in the state felt the state government was reacting “about right” to the COVID-19 outbreak as compared to the federal government; and only 6 times did people in a state choose the federal government over their state government.


Subject Health plans. Significance President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO) on December 14 announced changes to the public health sector to expand coverage, improve quality of care and guarantee access to free medicines. His plans will see the federal government assume responsibilities previously the remit of state-level authorities. Impacts The overhaul will take place as key institutions in the sector are decentralised, compounding implementation challenges. Without greater investment in prevention in addition to medical attention, improvements in the population’s health will be limited. Centralisation of decision-making and resource allocation will improve monitoring and accountability but not necessarily stop corruption.


Significance The bill aims to expand the accruable revenue for the federal government, crucial for meeting the government’s 2022 fiscal targets. In particular it looks to close existing tax loopholes rather than raising consumption taxes which could inhibit economic growth. Impacts Increased taxes will only have a limited impact on consumer spending and inflation. The bill will not appreciably increase state-level revenues. Broader institutional reforms in the public sector are unlikely due to powerful patronage networks.


Author(s):  
Natalie M. Fousekis

This chapter examines the protests that erupted in California when the federal government threatened to close the Lanham Act centers and the broad-based coalition that pushed for a permanent program in California. That year, 1946, marked a moment of possibility for advocates of state-supported child care for working mothers. Many in the progressive coalition insisted that wartime child care should be the basis for a universal nursery school program on the state level. While these citizens saw child care as social service the government should provide, political leaders had a different view. In the eyes of most politicians, the centers represented a temporary service only for the state's neediest residents.


2019 ◽  
pp. 39-61
Author(s):  
Rachel VanSickle-Ward ◽  
Kevin Wallsten

Chapter 3 analyzes the dynamics of contraceptive policymaking at the state level. Long before the federal government required health insurance providers to cover the costs of birth control under the Affordable Care Act, twenty-eight states adopted their own policies mandating coverage of prescription contraceptives. This chapter considers the political, religious, and ideological factors that shaped the passage and content of this diverse group of state-level policies, with a particular focus on the impact of women officeholders. The analyses reveal that the gender and partisan composition of state legislatures exerted a strong influence on whether state governments enacted contraceptive mandates between 1998 and 2009. The chapter also shows, however, that women’s power to shape state-level contraceptive mandates was not consistent across institutions or across different aspects of the policymaking process. Having a woman governor, for example, had no effect on the passage or content of laws requiring insurance coverage of contraception.


Author(s):  
Timothy W. Kneeland

This chapter discusses how, during the crisis spawned by Hurricane Agnes, the untrained, ill-prepared, and uncommunicative local officials were forced to make decisions and take action with only the limited resources they had at their disposal, often with tragic results. Their situation was the result of federalism, a political system which divides powers, responsibilities, and jurisdictions between the national and state governments. Natural disasters that threaten health and safety are ultimately the responsibility of local officials, who turned to state and federal authorities and to the private sector to assist them in reorganizing and rebuilding after the flooding from Agnes. State governments may have the resources to cope with the disaster, but due to political considerations, most elected officials want to maximize the amount of financial support from the federal government while minimizing the cost at the state level. Scholars have termed this response to disaster “the crying poor” syndrome, in which states exaggerate the cost of a disaster to demonstrate that they are not capable of paying for recovery. Moreover, in 1972, few state governments had kept pace with the changing nature of disasters. The chapter then looks at how Governor Milton Shapp, Governor Nelson Rockefeller, and state senator Bill Smith responded to the flooding.


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