scholarly journals Vulnerability, legal need and technology in England and Wales

Author(s):  
Daniel Newman ◽  
Jess Mant ◽  
Faith Gordon

This paper explores legal need and legal advice in England and Wales during the COVID-19 pandemic. It uses the lens of vulnerability theory to examine the ways in which this crisis exposed pre-existing fragilities between the state and its relationship with the advice sector, and the individuals who experience social welfare problems. The paper commences by exploring Fineman’s vulnerability thesis and its application to those experiencing social welfare-related issues, as well as the vulnerability of the systems operating to give advice. The paper then considers the specific context of the COVID-19 pandemic and the impact on needs, and the ability of the sector to meet these needs. Drawing on policy documents, reports and three case studies from law centres in England and Wales, it discusses the concept of legal need and the realities being experienced. These case studies assist us in being able to critically consider the topics of vulnerability, changing needs and the role that technology is, and can play during the pandemic and beyond. Lastly, the paper points to the need for a critical consideration of the sustainability and format of legal advice in addressing legal need in the post-COVID-19 landscape.

Author(s):  
Mónica Ruiz-Casares ◽  
Shelene Gentz ◽  
Jesse Beatson

Processes associated with the formation of child-headed households (CHH) are complex. Findings are mixed with regard to the impact of living in CHHs on children. On the one hand, children in CHHs do not necessarily have more unmet basic needs than do peers in adult-headed households and, in fact, have more opportunities to develop self-esteem and care for others. Nonetheless, children in CHHs confront specific challenges to their well-being. This chapter summarizes the state of the literature pertaining to CHHs, with a particular focus on CHHs as indicators of “the breakdown of the extended family” as a safety net. The authors present two case studies from Namibia that illustrate changes in children’s relationships and other aspects of the CHH experience and explore immediate and deferred reciprocity as a measure of accessibility and strength of their relationships and as an indicator of the changing status of children and family dynamics.


2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-42
Author(s):  
Casey Ready

Neoliberal policies have created economic disparities and increased the gap between the rich and the poor in Canada. The Mulroney government initiated neoliberal revisions to the Canadian social welfare state as it quietly changed complex regulations that impacted the welfare and well-being of Canadians. This government worked “by stealth” and with little consultation to dismantle key components of the social welfare state, while publicly pronouncing its sacred value. In Ontario, neoliberal policies are identified with the Harris government’s visible and public attack on the poor, on women and on those marginalized by race. The Harris government made significant cuts to services offered by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and, in particular, to women’s organizations and advocacy groups. This paper examines the impact of neoliberalism by exploring changes through such policies in the relationship between the state and non-profit organizations in Ontario. It is based on initial findings from qualitative research conducted in 2010 and 2011 with three YWCA organizations. It characterizes a shift from the way NGO-state relationships were depicted by Katherine Scott in 2003 as a “frayed rope” about to break, to being represented by an image of multiple “tight strings.” This research forms part of a dissertation examining how the neoliberal policies that have reduced government support for, and downloaded responsibilities to, the non-profit sector have affected the capacity of community-based women’s organizations to implement a feminist agenda in their work with women. The timeframe studied, from 2003 to 2008, builds on the now extensive scholarly research on the impact of neoliberal policies that occurred from 1995 to 2003, the years led by Progressive Conservative Premiers Mike Harris and Ernie Eves. It closely examines continuities and discontinuities between the two governments, revealing many dangers for women buried in complex and often misunderstood relationships between non-profit organizations and the state. Des politiques néolibérales ont donné lieu à des disparités économiques et  augmenté l’écart entre les riches et les pauvres du Canada. Le gouvernement Mulroney a entrepris des modifications néolibérales de l’État social providence, et changé des règlements complexes se répercutant sur le bien-être et la qualité de vie des Canadiens. Ce gouvernement a agi furtivement et sans mener de vastes consultations sur le démantèlement des composantes essentielles de l’État social providence, tout en déclarant publiquement sa valeur sacrée. En Ontario, des politiques néolibérales caractérisent l’attaque ouverte et publique menée par le gouvernement Harris contre les démunis, les femmes et les personnes marginalisées par la race. Le gouvernement Harris a fait des coupures significatives dans les services offerts par les organismes non gouvernementaux (ONG), particulièrement les groupes de défense des droits de la femme et les regroupements de femmes. Cette étude porte sur les répercussions du néolibéralisme en se penchant sur les changements apportés par de telles politiques à la relation entre l’État et les organismes à but non lucratif de l’Ontario. Elle est fondée sur les conclusions primaires d’une recherche qualitative menée en 2010 et 2011 auprès de trois organismes de la YWCA faisant une distinction dans la relation entre les ONG et l’État qui, décrite par Katherine Scott en 2003 comme une « corde usée » sur le point de se rompre, s’était détériorée en de multiples « cordons serrés ».Cette étude s’inscrit dans une dissertation portant sur les politiques néolibérales ayant réduit la participation du gouvernement au secteur des organismes à but non lucratif, ainsi que sa délégation constante de ses responsabilités sur ce dernier, et ayant diminué la capacité des organisations communautaires de femmes à mettre en œuvre un agenda féminisme dans le cadre de leurs activités auprès des femmes. La période à l’étude, en l’occurrence 2003 à 2008, s’appuie sur de vastes recherches académiques portant sur l’impact des politiques néolibérales mises en œuvre de 1995 à 2003, années au cours desquelles les Premiers ministres progressistes conservateurs Mike Harris et Ernie Eves étaient au pouvoir. Y sont analysées en détails les différences et la continuité entre les deux gouvernements en et relève de nombreux dangers pour les femmes, dissimulés dans des rapports complexes et souvent mal compris entre les organismes à but non lucratif et l’État.  


2013 ◽  
Vol 95 (889) ◽  
pp. 41-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Enrico Pavignani ◽  
Markus Michael ◽  
Maurizio Murru ◽  
Mark E. Beesley ◽  
Peter S. Hill

AbstractThis research examines the impact on health-care provision of advanced state failure and of the violence frequently associated with it, drawing from six country case studies. In all contexts, the coverage and scope of health services change when the state fails. Human resources expand due to unplanned increased production. Injury, threat, death, displacement, migration, insufficient salaries, and degraded skills all impact on performance. Dwindling public domestic funding for health causes increasing household out-of-pocket expenditure. The supply, quality control, distribution, and utilisation of medicines are severely affected. Health information becomes incomplete and unreliable. Leadership and planning are compromised as international agencies pursue their own agendas, frequently disconnected from local dynamics. Yet beyond the state these arenas are crowded with autonomous health actors, who respond to state withdrawal and structural violence in assorted ways, from the harmful to the beneficial. Integrating these existing resources into a cohesive health system calls for a deeper understanding of this pluralism, initiative, adaptation and innovation, and a long-term reorientation of development assistance in order to engage them effectively.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 1238-1257
Author(s):  
Chris Grover

Drawing upon data held at the UK’s National Archives, this article focuses upon the introduction of Section 1 of the Children and Young Persons Act 1963, which allowed local authorities in England and Wales to offer material assistance to families in order to prevent children being received into care or to facilitate their return from care to their families. To understand this development, the article frames its analysis in debates about the nature of the intellectual basis of post-WWII social welfare policy in Britain. Locating Section 1 support in idealist thought, the article argues that it should be understood as continuing classical liberal concerns with responsibility, self-sufficiency, and independence and constraining the size and scope of the state.


2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-29
Author(s):  
Lynsey Warwick-Giles ◽  
Imelda McDermott ◽  
Kath Checkland ◽  
Valerie Moran

Objective This paper aims to explore the nature of clinical commissioning groups (CCGs) in England as membership organizations. Utilizing the concept of meta-organization as a lens, we discuss the impact that this organizational form might have on CCGs’ ability to become ‘strategic commissioners’. Methods We used a longitudinal qualitative approach to explore the adoption and implementation of primary care co-commissioning. The study was undertaken between May 2015 and June 2017 and included interviews with senior policy makers, analysis of policy documents, two telephone surveys, and case studies in four CCGs nationally. Results CCGs operate as membership organizations with closed boundary and low stratification, whereby a consensus or majority needs to be reached by members when activities impact on membership or the CCG’s constitution. While CCGs should move towards a more strategic commissioning role that is focused on local priorities agreed by their members, they are faced with a complex system of accountabilities and responsibilities, which makes this difficult to achieve. Conclusions The nature of CCGs as membership-based meta-organizations has the potential to both help and hinder CCGs in becoming strategic commissioners. The complexities in accountability and governance that the membership approach introduces, and the potential difficulties that CCGs face with competing meta-organizations, raises questions about the future of CCGs as membership organizations.


2004 ◽  
Vol 34 (136) ◽  
pp. 339-356
Author(s):  
Tobias Wölfle ◽  
Oliver Schöller

Under the term “Hilfe zur Arbeit” (aid for work) the federal law of social welfare subsumes all kinds of labour disciplining instruments. First, the paper shows the historical connection of welfare and labour disciplining mechanisms in the context of different periods within capitalist development. In a second step, against the background of historical experiences, we will analyse the trends of “Hilfe zur Arbeit” during the past two decades. It will be shown that by the rise of unemployment, the impact of labour disciplining aspects of “Hilfe zur Arbeit” has increased both on the federal and on the municipal level. For this reason the leverage of the liberal paradigm would take place even in the core of social rights.


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