Ethnic federalism and its potential to dismember the Ethiopian state

2012 ◽  
Vol 12 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 113-133 ◽  
Author(s):  
Assefa Mehretu

The Horn of Africa has become the most fragmented post-colonial region in Africa. The largest state in the region, Ethiopia, with its unequalled demographic and resource power lost one of its provinces to secession and the rest of the country became divided into ethnic enclosures called killiloch, which are federal states with tribal designation. The recitation of divisive counter-narratives on the history of the Ethiopian state by ethnically inspired governing and non-governing political elite has minimized the collective identity of Ethiopians leading to their decomposition into tribal groupings in killiloch with neo-tribal restrictive covenants that include the right of secession. The supporters of such divisions have touted the policies as emancipatory that are ostensibly designed to help in the self-determination of Ethiopia’s various nationalities and to govern their own local affairs under a form of dual federalism (exclusive states’ rights). The objective of this article is to reflect on the adverse consequences of dual federalism based on ethnic killils and to explore an alternative framework for cultural and functional integration of the Ethiopian state under the rubric of cooperative federalism.

2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 225
Author(s):  
Agik Nur Efendi

Abstract This article aims to describe the form of post-colonial resistance from the standpoint of mimicry, hybridity, ambivalence, diaspora, identity is represented on the short story works Triyanto Triwikromo Samin Twins. Samin cePen Twins lift setting colonialism in the area of Sawahlunto, Blora, Grobogan, and Bojonegoro in 1897an. This short story tells the story of Resident Assistant Blora who tried to interrogate the leader who claimed to be Samin. Instead of trying to interrogate, Assistant Resident've got a resistance of interlocutor. Assistant Resident menamkan colonial process in Blora and surrounding communities. The story contains the story of the history of the Dutch colonial times so that the right to be assessed by post-colonial theory. Operationalization of post-colonial theory in the study of literary texts illustrated by efforts to study literary text data that relates to consciousness colonized on the colonizers. Step study conducted dengana, determination of data sources, collection and classification of data, and data analysis. Postcolonial analysis is expected to help in the discovery of awareness of nationalism in order to sustain the unity of the nation.Keywords: post-colonial, resistance, short stories, Samin, Assistant Resident


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-130
Author(s):  
R. R. Palekha ◽  

Introduction. Right understanding is the most live, interesting and, at the same time, the uncertain and changeable area of researches which takes the central place as in the general theory of the right, and gains the increasing value in industry jurisprudence that is connected with its considerable teoretiko-methodological and applied potential which is shown in spheres of lawmaking and law-enforcement activity. Thus, right understanding represents research tools of the subject of knowledge which allow to study all range legal and, the based on them, state phenomena for the purpose of obtaining reliable knowledge of state and legal reality. In this regard integrative approach in right understanding which has rich history of the formation and development is of special interest, allows to perceive the right as integrally complete phenomenon, as much as possible retrieves its regulatory abilities and, provides achievement of criteria of scientific research: comprehensiveness, objectivity, historicism. Materials and Methods. In article an attempt of the analysis of integrative approach in right understanding from a position of history of origin of his ideas and assessment of the current state is made. A result of studying of scientific literature, generalization and comparison of the different points of view fat formulation of author’s determination of category “right understanding” and submission of the evidence-based integrative theory of right understanding which as much as possible conforms to requirements of time and has essential regulatory and guarding potential. Results. In article the category right understanding is comprehensively considered, different integrative theories of right understanding from a position of their origin and development are submitted, the value of modern integrative approach in right understanding is shown, perspectives of its further development are evaluated. Discussion and Conclusion. The author comes to the conclusion about the theoretical and methodological consistency and inevitability of the integrative approach in law understanding, which acts as a scientifically grounded type of legal thinking capable of comprehending the law on a truly scientific basis.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 344
Author(s):  
Hatib Abdul Kadir

The research subject of this paper focuses on the Butonese, who are considered “outside” the local culture, despite having lived in the Moluccas islands of Indonesia for more than a hundred years. The Butonese compose the largest group of migrants to the Moluccas. This article research does not put ethnicity into a fixed, classified group of a population; rather, the research explores ethnicity as a living category in which individuals within ethnic groups also have opportunities for social mobility and who struggle for citizenship. The Butonese has a long history of being considered “subaltern citizens” or have frequently been an excluded community in post-colonial societies. They lack rights to land ownership and bureaucratic access. This article argues that Indonesian democracy has bred opposition between indigenous and migrant groups because, after the Reformation Era, migrants, as a minority, began to participate in popular politics to express themselves and make up their rights as “citizens”. Under the condition of democratic political participation, the Butonese found a way to mobilize their collective identity in order to claim the benefits of various governmental programs. Thus, this paper is about the contentiousness of how the rural Butonese migrants gained advantageous social and political status in the aftermath of the sectarian conflict between 1999 to 2003. Migrant’s ability to express their grievance in a constructive way through the politics of their representatives and state government policies have led to the new contentious issues between indigenous and migrant populations.  


1993 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-276 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruth Iyob

Contested territories and challenges to state sovereignty have become almost the norm in post-colonial Africa. The nexus of many of these conflicts resides in a status quo which gives primacy to territorial integrity over the right of peoples to self-determination. The comparative advantage thus accorded to sovereign states has resulted in a disequilibrium that legitimated the violation of both regionally and internationally sanctioned rules enshrined in the Organisation of African Unity (O.A.U.) and the United Nations (U.N.). Thus a normative bias in favour of the imperative of stability and order was justified by reference to the fragility of the newly independent régimes. In the process, the right of self-determination was narrowly interpreted to refer solely to those African peoples waging liberation struggles against European colonialism or white rule.


1895 ◽  
Vol 57 (340-346) ◽  
pp. 386-394

This memoir embodies the results of a series of investigations which were initiated by the Right Hon. Viscount Cross, sometime H. M. Secretary of State for India, shortly after the annexation of Burma by the British Government. The researches were undertaken with a view to the determination of the value of the celebrated ruby mines of that country, and of the conditions under which the gem is found.


Author(s):  
Vladislav V. Gruzdev ◽  
Dmitriy A. Babichev ◽  
Natal'ya A. Babicheva

The article is devoted to the burning problem that arose in 2014 in the Ukraine, in the regions of Lugansk and Donetsk, and that concerns the right of the people of Donbass to self-determination. This problem is not only of a local territorial nature, but it is also one of the most complex debatable problems of international law. Since the right to self-determination contradicts the principle of territorial integrity of the state, the consideration and solution of this issue is the most burning for the whole population living on the territory of the self-proclaimed people's republics of Lugansk and Donetsk. In the article, the authors analyse the concept of "self-determination of the people" and give a generalised characteristic of it, approving that it is the right of every nation to solve the issues of state structure, political status, economic, social and cultural development independently and at its own discretion. The author also examines the historical past of the people of Donbass, where, in terms of the Republic of Donetsk and Krivoy Rog and various documentary historical and legal materials, we come to the conclusion that the population of Donbass has the right to social, economic, cultural, spiritual and other development just as all the recognised countries of the world.


2012 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mwangi wa Gīthīnji ◽  
Frank Holmquist

Abstract:Kenya has been going through a period of political reform since 1991, when section 2A of the constitution, which had made Kenya a de jure one-party state, was repealed. This reform followed a prolonged struggle on the part of citizens both inside and outside the country, and their call for democracy was one that, after the fall of the Berlin Wall, was embraced by Western countries. Via diplomatic pressure and conditionality on aid, Western donors played an important role in the repeal of section 2A, the return of multiparty elections, and the creation and reform of a number of political institutions and offices via a separation of powers. But although these changes were supported by the political opposition and much of civil society in Kenya, they did not rise organically from the national struggle over political power. Nor did these reforms lead to a determination in the country to hold the political elite accountable for their transgressions. This article argues that modern Kenya's history of economic and political inequality has resulted in a population whose very divisions make it difficult for politicians to be disciplined. Accountability has two dimensions: the horizontal accountability among branches of government that is assured by checks and balances, and the vertical accountability of the state to its citizens. Vertical accountability depends on a constituency of like-minded citizens defending broad national interests, or an electorate with a collective identity or set of identities attached to the Kenyan nation. But in the absence of such shared goals and demands, narrow personal and local interests prevail, and politicians remain unaccountable to the nation as a whole.


Author(s):  
D.B. Vershinina

The article attempts to trace the history of women's political representation in the Irish parliament - from the struggle for the right to vote and to be elected to parliament to the current level of women's representation in the Oireachtas and related discussions in the political elite and Irish society. The author draws attention to the specifics of the policy of various Irish parties in relation to the problem of representation of women in parliament and demonstrates the importance of political and national culture for such a phenomenon as the participation of women in politics. Analyzing the change in the proportion of women in the lower house of the Oireachtas, the author demonstrates the influence of the Irish women's movement on the dynamics of the number of female TDs. The author concludes that the policy of affirmative action played a significant, but insufficient role in the country, which for a long time remained under the influence of the Catholic Church and its patriarchal view of the role of women in society.


Author(s):  
Asker Zh. Shereuzhev

The factors that contributed to the secession of the Kabardin and Balkar districts from the Gorsk ASSR and the formation of the Kabardino-Balkarian Autonomous Region on January 16, 1922 are considered. Attention is drawn to the fact that during this period in the history of Kabardino-Balkaria important administrative-territorial transformations took place and the foundations of state building, the result of which was the gradual exit first of Kabarda on September 1, 1921, and then of Balkaria on January 9, 1922 from the Mountain ASSR and the formation of the Kabardino-Balkarian Autonomous Region on January 16, 1922. The article considers the formation of a unified autonomy of Kabardino-Balkaria against the background of the struggle of representatives of the Kabardian and Balkarian political elites for the right to secede from the Gorsk ASSR and subsequent unification.


1999 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 389-416 ◽  
Author(s):  

AbstractThe Versailles Treaty sought to protect minorities by giving them their own state. This practice, labelled 'self-determination' has changed guise considerably post World War II. Paramount to the emancipation of colonies, it came to be the concept that legitimated the 'rule of the people' over that of their colonial masters. However post-colonial 'self-determined' states are often manufactured entities forced into the strait-jacket of Westphalian statehood; and unlike the states that emanated from the Westphalian Treaty, were given no time to evolve by themselves. As a result these states often house disparate sets of minorities that go unrepresented within the Statist discourse. Further, these states have attempted to suppress their minorities through the various policies associated with nation-building. Today, with secession an increasingly attainable form of self-determination, the question arises as to whether these minorities have a right to form a separate state. The international law of self-determination suggests that this is a right of all peoples. It however leaves the parameters of this 'peoplehood' undefined. This paper seeks to examine the discourse of minority rights within that of the international right to self determination. It seeks to trace the history of minority rights protection, and to examine the way in which minority rights are protected within current international law. In addition, it examines the parameters of peoplehood and concludes by looking at two cases where disaffected minorities in a post-colonial state sought to form their own state.


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