Linking Members to Leaders: How Civic Associations Can Strengthen Members’ External Political Efficacy

2020 ◽  
pp. 1532673X2097210
Author(s):  
Geoffrey Henderson ◽  
Hahrie Han

Americans’ sense of external political efficacy—their belief in their ability to influence government decisions—has declined precipitously in recent decades, eroding the public’s confidence in our system of representative democracy. Scholars have long argued that involvement in civic associations can help ordinary Americans realize their political efficacy, yet a lack of longitudinal data on association members’ attitudes and behaviors has impeded efforts to test this claim. To collect such a dataset, we partnered with a national environmental association to conduct a unique panel study of members of eight state-level organizations. We show that members who get to know their association’s leaders believe that they have greater influence over government decisions. Our findings suggest that civic associations can strengthen their members’ efficacy by cultivating volunteer leadership and fostering relationships between members and leaders.

2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 702-722 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seok Eun Kim ◽  
You Hyun Kim

This study hypothesizes that a country with a high level of democracy should experience more extensive growth in its nonprofit sector than authoritarian or less democratic countries, controlling for the relevant social and economic variables. We tested this hypothesis using cross-national longitudinal data. The results indicate that a democratic political system affects positively on the emergence and growth of the nonprofit sector across sample countries. However, the relationship appears to be non-linear, although nonprofit activities are sustained at a certain level. We also found different developmental trajectories among the nonprofit sectors that depended on how different countries operated their democratic political systems.


BMJ Open ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (11) ◽  
pp. e018137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Shafer

ObjectivesThirty states have smoke-free air laws that ban smoking in restaurants and bars, covering nearly two-thirds of the US population. It is well established that these laws generally have a null or positive economic impact on restaurants and bars. However, all establishments in a geographic area are usually treated as a homogeneous group without considering the potential for differential effects by establishment characteristics. This study uses variation in smoke-free air laws over time to estimate their impact on employment in restaurants and bars with a focus on potential differences by employer size (number of employees). A two-pronged approach with a national-level and state-level analysis is used to take advantage of more granular data availability for a single state (North Carolina).DesignObservational study using panel data.Setting1) US, 2) North CarolinaInterventionsSmoke-free air laws.Outcome measuresState-level accommodation and food services employment for all 50 states and District of Columbia from 1990 through 2014 (Quarterly Census of Employment and Wages); county-level restaurant and bar employment in North Carolina from 2001 through 2014 (North Carolina Department of Commerce).ResultsThere is no evidence of a redistributive effect of smoke-free air laws on restaurant and bar employment by employer size.ConclusionThe lack of a redistributive effect is an important finding for policy-makers considering implementation or expansion of a smoke-free air law to protect employees and patrons from the dangers of exposure to secondhand smoke.


2015 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 791-813 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mikel Norris

AbstractExternal political efficacy, the belief that government is responsive to the demands of its citizens, has been declining in the United States since the 1960s. However, scholars do not yet fully understand the reasons for its decline. Nor have they found suitable explanations for why it fluctuates within the electorate. Drawing on the growing literature on the effects of income inequality on public policy, I posit that increasing income inequality factors into the decline of external political efficacy. Using multilevel regression models accounting for individual and contextual factors, I find increasing state-level income inequality has a substantial negative effect on external political efficacy. It is greater than most state and national-level economic measures or individual-level variables on external political efficacy. These results have important implications both for research on income inequality and political participation and also for research on income inequality and distributional public policy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 616-647 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Bonnéry ◽  
Yi Feng ◽  
Angela K. Henneberger ◽  
Tessa L. Johnson ◽  
Mark Lachowicz ◽  
...  

2017 ◽  
Vol 73 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melissa Tully ◽  
Emily K. Vraga

Developing news media literacy skills is recognized as an important part of becoming an informed citizen, but not enough research examines how growth in media literacy differs by individual characteristics. Using a panel study of undergraduate students, we examine which predispositions predict growth in news media literacy beliefs over the semester. We then test whether growth in news media literacy leads individuals to more highly value and engage in heterogeneous political discussion, a critical part of a functioning democracy. Our results suggest some individuals experience more growth in news media literacy, and that growth contributes to democratic attitudes and behaviors.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1532673X2110063
Author(s):  
Mia Costa ◽  
Isabel Wallace

The effect of women in politics is vitally important for the study of representation, yet evidence is mixed on the extent to which women’s presence influences individuals’ symbolic attitudes and behaviors. We use a priming survey experiment to examine how information about increased women candidates in the U.S. affects political ambition, efficacy, and future support for women candidates. We present several different patterns across gender and partisanship. Republicans report higher political ambition after hearing about more women candidates, even when those women are running for the opposite party. Men had higher political efficacy in response to more same-party women running, but not opposite-party women. Importantly, our evidence does not support the widespread notion that women’s presence positively influences women’s political efficacy or likelihood to vote for female candidates. The findings highlight the importance of considering the effects of women’s presence not only for the group that is assumed to benefit.


2018 ◽  
Vol 113 (1) ◽  
pp. 226-241 ◽  
Author(s):  
DONALD D. SEARING ◽  
WILLIAM G. JACOBY ◽  
ANDREW H. TYNER

How much do the political values of politicians endure throughout their careers? And how might the endurance be explained? This paper uses a unique longitudinal data set to examine the persistence of political values among national politicians: members of the British House of Commons, who completed Rokeach-type value ranking instruments during 1971–73 and again 40 years later in 2012–16. The findings show remarkable stability and provide strong support for the persistence hypothesis which predicts that politicians develop crystallized value systems by their early thirties and largely maintain those values into retirement. This is consistent with the view that rapid changes in aggregate party ideologies have more to do with new views among new waves of recruits than with conversions among old members.


2017 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 297-315 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nathern Okilwa ◽  
Bruce Barnett

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine how Robbins ES has sustained high academic performance over almost 20 years despite several changes in principals. Design/methodology/approach The paper analyzed longitudinal data based on: state-level academic and demographic data; two earlier studies of the school; and recent interviews with teachers, the principal, and parent leaders. Findings The analyses of these longitudinal data revealed four ongoing factors were responsible for sustained academic performance: high expectations, distributed leadership, collective responsibility for student performance, and data-based decision making. However, challenges that persistently confront Robbins staff include limited resources (e.g. technology and library materials), high mobility rate, and some cases of unsupportive parents. Originality/value This study adds to understanding how high-need urban schools can sustain high academic performance in spite of changes in principals, shifting community demographics, and high student mobility.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 335-371 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carsten Schröder ◽  
Johannes König ◽  
Alexandra Fedorets ◽  
Jan Goebel ◽  
Markus M. Grabka ◽  
...  

AbstractWe provide a concise introduction to a household-panel data infrastructure that provides the international research community with longitudinal data of private households in Germany since 1984: the German Socio-Economic Panel (SOEP). We demonstrate the comparative strength of the SOEP data in answering economically-relevant questions by highlighting its diverse and impactful applications throughout the field.


2016 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isaac William Martin ◽  
Kevin Beck

Scholars have long argued that gentrification may displace long-term homeowners by causing their property taxes to increase, and policy makers, including the U.S. Supreme Court, have cited this argument as a justification for state laws that limit the increase of residential property taxes. We test the hypotheses that gentrification directly displaces homeowners by increasing their property taxes, and that property tax limitation protects residents of gentrifying neighborhoods from displacement, by merging the Panel Study of Income Dynamics with a decennial Census-tract-level measure of gentrification and a new data set on state-level property tax policy covering the period 1987 to 2009. We find some evidence that property tax pressure can trigger involuntary moves by homeowners, but no evidence that such displacement is more common in gentrifying neighborhoods than elsewhere, nor that property tax limitation protects long-term homeowners in gentrifying neighborhoods. We do find evidence that gentrification directly displaces renters.


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