The Endurance of Politicians’ Values Over Four Decades: A Panel Study

2018 ◽  
Vol 113 (1) ◽  
pp. 226-241 ◽  
Author(s):  
DONALD D. SEARING ◽  
WILLIAM G. JACOBY ◽  
ANDREW H. TYNER

How much do the political values of politicians endure throughout their careers? And how might the endurance be explained? This paper uses a unique longitudinal data set to examine the persistence of political values among national politicians: members of the British House of Commons, who completed Rokeach-type value ranking instruments during 1971–73 and again 40 years later in 2012–16. The findings show remarkable stability and provide strong support for the persistence hypothesis which predicts that politicians develop crystallized value systems by their early thirties and largely maintain those values into retirement. This is consistent with the view that rapid changes in aggregate party ideologies have more to do with new views among new waves of recruits than with conversions among old members.

2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-25
Author(s):  
Anastasiia Cherednychenko

Ukraine needs systematic political, legal and economic reforms. All these changes are aimed at bringing Ukraine closer to the European Union and introducing European values and standards into Ukraine’s state policy. Despite a deep study of the notion of «value» and the introduction of «European values» into the political life of society, scientists have very superficially considered the issues of Ukrainian values, and their reorientation and adaptation to European values and standards. This is first and foremost due to the difficult and unstable development of the Ukrainian political space. In view of all these problems, it is appropriate to study such concepts as: «values of political space», «European values», «values of Ukrainian society». The values of political space include ideas of political needs of certain subjects. Values of political space are formed from political realities, they are elements in which the subjects are endowed with appropriate needs and positions that determine the position or disposition of the subject in that space. The difference between political values and values of political space lies in the fact that political space reflects the desired result of political activity, as opposed to the values of the political ones that reflect the preferences, interests of the political space actors, who live in the system in real time, and fight beyond the spheres of influence. Everyone has to comprehend value-based ideas, in particular about the purpose of the individual, moral and spiritual ideals, inner convictions, etc., based on the historical, cultural and spiritual heritage of our Motherland and European standards. Today the state is transformed from a society with a traditional system, elements of authoritarianism into a socially oriented society with a transparent democracy.  Replacement of existing value systems with the European scale of values, orientation to moral healing of society, increasing importance of culture, depriving the burden of corruption manifestations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 317-333 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sonia Alonso ◽  
Rubén Ruiz-Rufino

The objective of this article is to analyse the costs of responsible governance on the national political establishment of the Eurozone in the aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis. Our analysis tests two main hypotheses. First, we argue that financial crises like the one unleashed by the global financial meltdown of 2008 have an asymmetric impact on the electoral records of establishment parties depending on whether the countries affected by the financial crisis were financially intervened in or not. Our second hypothesis states that externally imposed austerity affects Left and Right national establishment parties differently. By choosing to act responsibly, that is, assuming the conditions of the intervention, the establishment Left pays a much larger electoral price than the one paid by the establishment Right under the same circumstances. To test our argument, we use a panel data set of 12 countries from the Eurozone in the period between 1999 (stage III of the monetary union) and 2015 that contains 54 country-election-year observations. Our findings show strong support for our two hypotheses.


Author(s):  
Lynn M. Milan ◽  
Dennis R. Bourne ◽  
Michelle M. Zazanis ◽  
Paul T. Bartone
Keyword(s):  

2014 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shizhong Yang ◽  
Ruining Yang ◽  
Z. Jun Lin

This paper exhibits the historical evolution of the balance sheet in the People's Republic of China. In particular, we examine three major changes in the balance sheet (which reports the financial position of an economic or business entity) since the founding of the new China in 1949 and the political, social and economic changes during this period. The content, structure and presentation of the balance sheet (or alternative forms of the statement in use) are illustrated. The political and economic factors driving its evolution are analyzed to assist readers in understanding the rapid changes in Chinese accounting over the last six decades. The implications of the Chinese experience for international accounting convergence are also briefly outlined.


Author(s):  
Bryan G. Norton

Today, six out of ten Americans describe themselves as "active" environmentalists or as "sympathetic" to the movement's concerns. The movement, in turn, reflects this millions-strong support in its diversity, encompassing a wide spectrum of causes, groups, and sometimes conflicting special interests. For far-sighted activists and policy makers, the question is how this diversity affects the ability to achieve key goals in the battle against pollution, erosion, and out-of-control growth. This insightful book offers an overview of the movement -- its past as well as its present -- and issues the most persuasive call yet for a unified approach to solving environmental problems. Focusing on examples from resource use, pollution control, protection of species and habitats, and land use, the author shows how the dynamics of diversity have actually hindered environmentalists in the past, but also how a convergence of these interests around forward-looking policies can be effected, despite variance in value systems espoused. The book is thus not only an assessment of today's movement, but a blueprint for action that can help pull together many different concerns under a common banner. Anyone interested in environmental issues and active approaches to their solution will find the author's observations both astute and creative.


2021 ◽  
pp. 104973232199204
Author(s):  
Hester Hockin-Boyers ◽  
Megan Warin

The appropriate form, regularity, and intensity of exercise for individuals recovering from eating disorders is not agreed upon among health care professionals or researchers. When exercise is permitted, it is that which is mindful, embodied, and non-competitive that is considered normative. Using Canguilhem’s concepts of “the normal and the pathological” as a theoretical frame, we examine the gendered assumptions that shape medical understandings of “healthy” and “dysfunctional” exercise in the context of recovery. The data set for this article comes from longitudinal semi-structured interviews with 19 women in the United Kingdom who engaged in weightlifting during their eating disorder recovery. We argue that women in recovery navigate multiple and conflicting value systems regarding exercise. Faced with aspects of exercise that are pathologized within the eating disorder literature (such as structure/routine, body transformations, and affect regulation), women re-inscribe positive value to these experiences, thus establishing exercise practices that serve them.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
LASSE SCHMIDT HANSEN ◽  
MATHIAS HERUP NIELSEN

Abstract This article uses extensive ethnographic methods to explore the lived reality of a Danish workfare programme. The programme requires social assistance recipients to perform manual labour for their benefits at municipal work sites. The contrast between the political rhetoric that justifies the workfare programme and the lived reality of it is striking. While the programme is justified as a means to put the passive unemployed to work, there is a norm of working less, not more at the site. The participants spend most of their time waiting or conducting seemingly meaningless work assignments. However, over time, the majority of the participants begin to embrace this modus operandi at the site. This article answers this apparent paradox by turning to concepts from the anthropology of industrial work. Such concepts allow us to analyse how camaraderie exists amongst participants as well as work supervisors at the site. Particularly, the camaraderie is based on group solidarity, an informal regulation of work efficiency and an alternative system of value. Hereby, the article adds to previous findings on the ‘lived experiences’ of welfare recipients.


2001 ◽  
Vol 32 (127) ◽  
pp. 343-364 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Wheatley

In early August 1910 readers of Reynolds’s Newspaper, a radical weekly journal noted as much for its detailed coverage of divorce court proceedings as for its political radicalism (and in 1911 one of the ‘immoral’ English Sunday papers targeted by Irish ‘vigilance committees’), may have perused the weekly political column written by T.P. O’Connor. ‘T.P.’, the M.P. for Liverpool Scotland, was anything but a disinterested columnist, and with John Redmond, John Dillon and Joseph Devlin formed the inner leadership of the Irish Parliamentary Party and Ireland’s nationalist movement.Throughout the political crisis of early 1910 O’Connor had been the main London-based conduit for communications between the Irish Party and Asquith’s cabinet, and in particular Lloyd George and the Liberal chief whip, the Master of Elibank. The outcome of the January 1910 general election, which had given the balance of power in the House of Commons to the Irish nationalists, and John Redmond’s use of that power to force Asquith to act to end the veto powers of the House of Lords over parliamentary legislation, had enhanced both Redmond’s status in Ireland and the importance of home rule as an issue that had to be resolved.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victoria (Shu) Zhang ◽  
Marissa D. King

Although a substantial body of work has investigated drivers of tie formation, there is growing interest in understanding why relationships decay or dissolve altogether. The networks literature has tended to conceptualize tie decay as driven by processes similar to those underlying tie formation. Yet information that is revealed through ongoing interactions can exert different effects on tie formation and tie decay. This paper investigates how tie decay and tie formation processes differ by focusing on contentious practices. To the extent that information about dissimilarities in contentious practices is learned through ongoing interactions, it can exert diverging effects on tie formation and tie decay. Using a longitudinal data set of 141,543 physician dyads, we find that differences in contentious prescribing led ties to weaken or dissolve altogether but did not affect tie formation. The more contentious the practice and the more information available about the practice, the stronger the effect on tie decay and dissolution. Collectively, these findings contribute to a more nuanced understanding of relationship evolution as an unfolding process through which deeper-level differences are revealed and shape the outcome of the tie.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 62-70
Author(s):  
ANTONINA SELEZNEVA ◽  

Purpose of the study. The article is devoted to the analysis of value orientations, forms of civic engagement and political participation of young Russian citizens who consider themselves patriots. In accordance with the conceptual and methodological provisions developed within the framework of the political and psychological approach, the author examines how the cognitive and behavioral components of the personality structure, which determine the patriotic orientation of youth, relate to each other. Research results. Based on an analysis of the data of an all-Russian survey of young people aged 15 to 30, the author comes to the conclusion that young Russian patriots are interested in politics and identify with Russia. They demonstrate a fairly high level of social activity and have a wide repertoire of forms of civic participation and political behavior. They have attitudes towards conventional forms of political participation (primarily electoral). In the system of values of young patriots, the most significant are human rights, peace, order, legality, security, freedom and justice. Young Russian citizens who consider themselves patriots differ in their political values and behavioral orientations from «non-patriots». The author comes to the conclusion that young patriots have a connection between values and behavioral practices of their implementation, which determines their focus on interaction with the state and society. But this is not typical for young people in general. It is noted that in the future, patriotism can become a factor in the serious intragenerational demarcation of young people. Therefore, significant efforts are required from various institutions of socialization in the field of political education and patriotic education of youth.


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