Political economy of sport broadcasting: Assessing Indonesian PSB policy in sport broadcasting

2017 ◽  
Vol 79 (2) ◽  
pp. 162-174
Author(s):  
Masduki

The increasing presence of sport broadcasting on public service broadcasters in Indonesia is driven by a mixture of interests. It may serve as a tool for education and entertainment as well as for increasing awareness of ‘symbolic nationalism’. Sport can also be used as a soft political campaign in the electoral system or even for pragmatic business purposes. This article assesses the sport broadcasting histories and policies of two Indonesian public service broadcasters: Radio of the Republic of Indonesia, and Television of the Republic of Indonesia. It assesses two political periods: the authoritarian period (1966–1998) and the transition towards a more liberal system (1998-present). Furthermore, this article critically examines both the political and economic interests behind the mediated sport policy. In addition, it intends to fill the gap in studies on sport policy, specifically public service broadcaster sport programming in transitional states. This study found that a change in the political structure resulted in unstable policies of sport broadcasting in Indonesian public broadcasters.

INFORMASI ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 155
Author(s):  
Achmad Nashrudin P

Research on Political Economy of Media: At the news ahead of elections for the governor of Banten in 2017 by Radar Banten and Baraya TV, phenomenon triggered by the loosening of the values of objectivity and independence of the mass media in carrying out its functions as set in the Press Law and the Broadcasting Law. At the time of the campaign, the candidates for governor and lieutenant governor are competing to get the “place ‘and is known well as sell to prospective election promise to get sympathy. At the time, the media seemed to forget the function and position. This study aims to determine the phenomenon of media relations with the candidates and how the phenomenon of the political economy of media in both institutions (Radar Banten and Baraya Pos) at the time before the election for governor of Banten in 2017. This study uses this study used a qualitative approach, with the constructivist paradigm and using the method of data collection through the depth-interview, the informant was elected. The results of the study illustrate that media relations (relations between) media with prospective relatively loose, drawn from observations and interviews show that the two media are “very affectionate” with the candidates, and the media policy in lifting more headlines have suggested the economic interests vis a vis political interests.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Maria Conceição Veloso ◽  
Fabíola Mendonça de Vasconcelos ◽  
Laís Ferreira

RESUMO A forma como a mídia brasileira retrata a mulher no campo político é um dos aportes deste artigo, que analisa as reportagens de duas revistas semanais, a Veja e a IstoÉ: enquanto a primeira tenta mostrar uma vice-primeira-dama, Marcela Temer, como “bela, recatada e do lar”, a segunda traz uma presidenta da República, Dilma Rousseff, histérica, destemperada, cuja manchete de capa é “As explosões nervosas da presidente”. As duas edições são veiculadas no contexto da votação do impeachment da presidenta Dilma Rousseff (PT), votado na Câmara Federal em  abril de 2016 e, no Senado, em maio e em agosto do mesmo ano. Utilizando como referenciais teóricos a Economia Política da Comunicação, o trabalho mostra o caráter patriarcal, misógino e preconceituoso das publicações, que reproduzem valores consoantes a formações ideológicas sexistas.   PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Mídia; Economia Política da Comunicação; Dilma Rousseff; Marcela Temer; Sexismo.   ABSTRACTThis paper aims to show how Brazilian media portrays women in politics. Articles about two public female figures published by Brazilian weekly news magazines, Veja and IstoÉ, were analyzed. While Veja tried to show the Second Lady Marcela Temer as a “beautiful, demure housewife”, IstoÉ portrayed the President of the Republic, Dilma Rousseff, as hysterical, intemperate, and published the headline “The nervous explosions of the President”. Both editions were published in the context of Dilma Rousseff (PT) impeachment trial. Between April and August 2016, the lower chamber voted for impeachment and the Senate voted to begin the trial, resulting in Rousseff’s suspension. Using the Political Economy of Communication as theoretical reference, this paper shows the patriarchal, misogynist and prejudiced character of the magazines, which reproduce sexist ideas.   KEYWORDS: Media; Political Economy of Communications; Dilma Rouseff; Marcela Temer; Sexism.     RESUMEN La forma que los medios de comunicación brasileños retratan las mujeres en la política es una de las aportaciones de este artículo, que analiza los temas de portada de dos revistas semanales, Veja y IstoÉ: mientras la primera publicación  intenta mostrar una vice-primera-dama como "hermosa, recatada y el hogar", el segundo periódico aporta una presidenta de la República, Dilma Rousseff,  histérica, destemplada, cuyo titular de la capa es "Las explosiones nerviosas de la presidente ". Ambas ediciones datan de antes de la votación de destitución de la presidenta Dilma Rousseff (PT), votada en el Congreso en el més de abril de 2016 y el Senado en mayo y agosto del mismo año. Utilizando referentes teóricos de la economía política de la comunicación, este trabajo muestra el carácter patriarcal, misógino y de prejuicios de las revistas, reproduciendo los valores de formaciones ideológicas sexistas.   PALABRAS CLAVE: Media; Economía Política de la Comunicación; Dilma Rousseff; Marcela Temer; Sexismo.


1980 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 489-503 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Gallagher

Although the selection of candidates for elections to the national parliament is an important part of the political process, there is little writing on the way in which this is carried out in the Republic of Ireland. This no doubt springs largely from parties' reluctance to reveal details of this essentially internal matter. In Duverger's words, ‘parties do not like the odours of the electoral kitchen to spread to the outside world’.


2018 ◽  
pp. 16-22
Author(s):  
Nataliya Khoma

The process of the formation of the party system of Cyprus was considered. The period from colonial to 1981 is covered. The factors that influenced the evolution of the parties of Cyprus, in particular the internal conflict, were underlined. Emphasizes the importance of the ethnic component of the population of Cyprus. The attention was paid to the role of the Orthodox Church in shaping the political system of Cyprus. The article analyzes the norms of the Constitution of the Republic of Cyprus (1960) concerning political parties, in which the focus was on the parliamentary aspect of party activity. The role of Archbishop Makarios III, the first president of Cyprus, for the further evolution of the party system in the 1960–70s was revealed. Presented chronology of the appearance of the main parties of Cyprus and their participation in elections and coalitions. The article emphasizes that after the accession of Cyprus to the EU in 2004, the party system of the state is experiencing the trend of the newest European tendencies on the national party palette: the level of people’s confidence in the parties is decreasing, the party identity is blurred, the voter turnout is gradually decreasing, new types of parties are emerging, Radicalization is notable and so on. The party system of Cyprus is special, even if only within the EU there is a pro-communist party (Progressive Party of the Labor People of Cyprus), represented in the European Parliament, among the leading political forces. It was emphasized that the political parties of Cyprus until 1974 were purely electoral mechanisms. The new stage of development began with the stabilization of the post-colonial political system of Cyprus. At this time, the church lost its past influence, and the majoritarian electoral system alienated itself. This led to a new stage in the development of the party system in the late 1970s. It is noted that the determining factor was the transition to a proportional electoral system and the introduction of mandatory participation of voters in the vote. It was emphasized that these legislative innovations became important factors in the development of the modern party system of Cyprus. Since that time, the Cypriot parties have become more independent and united in the coalition.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 125-139
Author(s):  
Alexander N. Dubyansky

The article deals with the Ricardian theory of rent as interpreted by one of the first Russian Marxists, Nikolai Sieber. Sieber made great efforts to popularize Marxʼs ideas in Russia. He believed it was his mission to make complex theoretical constructions of Marxism simpler and more understandable for the majority of readers. Sieber began his way to Marxism with the study and translation of the writings on classical political economy by D. Ricardo. Furthermore, Sieber’s texts focus on a wide range of opinions on land rent presented in the works of Russian and foreign economists of the XIX–XX centuries. This article also pays considerable attention to the political aspects of rent, which are perhaps crucial to the issue of rent. This is due to the fact that rent has been and remains an important tool for the redistribution of national income and, therefore, is an element of the political structure. Ricardian theory of rent came into being during the debate over high bread duties in England and was, in fact, an instrument of struggle against landowners who received rental super profits because of high grain prices. Subsequently, this theory was considered as a tool of struggle against the industrial bourgeoisie, which caused its fierce criticism from the apologists of the bourgeoisie.


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