Reforming the European Stability Mechanism: Too Much but Never Enough

European View ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 178168582110639
Author(s):  
Anna Peychev
Author(s):  
C. Randall Henning

As the crisis evolved, euro-area governments first constructed two transitional financial facilities and then created a permanent fund. This chapter reviews the creation of the financial facilities of the euro area culminating in the establishment of the European Stability Mechanism. The ESM treaty contains a strong presumption, but not a strict legal requirement, that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) will also be involved in assistance to a member state. As a political matter, the Fund’s involvement is strongly favored in creditor countries of the euro area. The emergence of the ESM, a new institutional player in crisis finance, prompted a reconsideration of the institutional arrangements under which crisis programs are designed. The chapter reviews proposals from research institutes and the European Parliament to combine resources of the European Commission and the ESM into a European Monetary Fund.


2013 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mattias Wendel

Sometimes less is more. Hence, it is not necessarily bad news if a judgment on a matter of fundamental public interest does not meet public expectations. And it certainly was not bad news that the judgment of the German Federal Constitutional Court of 12 September 2012 on the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) and the Fiscal Treaty did not meet the exaggerated public expectations that had been fuelled by an unprecedented media-hype.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-147
Author(s):  
W Mark C Weidemaier

ABSTRACT This article examines the intersection between two key attributes of sovereign debt governance in the Euro Area. First, sovereigns mostly issue bonds governed by their own law. This ‘local law advantage’ should make debt restructuring comparatively easy, as the sovereign can change the law to reduce its debt. The second attribute is the so-called ‘Euro CAC’, which is a contract-based restructuring mechanism mandated by the Treaty Establishing the European Stability Mechanism (the ESM Treaty). The Euro CAC lets a bondholder supermajority approve a restructuring and bind dissenters. Since 2013, nearly all Euro Area sovereign debt has included the clause. Many believe the ESM Treaty requires governments to use the Euro CAC to restructure. But if so, the Treaty is a suicide pact, for the design of the Euro CAC is flawed. In a meaningful subset of cases, the clause will not provide adequate debt relief. This article makes two primary contributions. First, using an Italian restructuring as an example, it explains why the ESM Treaty does not, in fact, require the use of the Euro CAC. Second, it examines the legal constraints—the most pertinent of which derive from the European Convention on Human Rights—that do restrict the use of local-law advantage.


2019 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 636-653 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Bauer ◽  
Bernhard Herz

2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (6) ◽  
pp. 1771-1790 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samo Bardutzky

In 2012 and 2013, we observed how the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) was adjudicated by “EU courts, plural”: a number of high courts of the Member States (among them “Kelsenian” constitutional courts as well as representatives of a more hybrid model of judicial review of constitutionality) and the European Court of Justice (CJEU) were seized by challenges to the mechanism. What attracted attention was the fact that only one court, the Supreme Court of Ireland, decided to submit a preliminary reference to the CJEU, while the other courts, as would appear from their judgments, did not even consider the option. This was a suboptimal example of judicial dialogue in the case of ESM adjudication.


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (8) ◽  
pp. 1167-1181
Author(s):  
Laura M. Henderson

AbstractThe cases challenging the European Stability Mechanism in Eurozone creditor states show the concern courts have with protecting and promoting democratic contestation. This Article shows how John Hart Ely’s theory of process-based review provides the theoretical basis for understanding how attention to democratic contestation contributes to the legitimacy of courts reviewing legislation against constitutional norms. By focusing on promoting democratic procedures, Ely argues that courts can avoid substantive decisions that are best left to the legislature. Yet, as my discussion of the constitutional theory of constituent and constituted powers shows, no form of constituted power can avoid some exercise of constituent power. In other words, even a process-based approach cannot avoid substantive judgments. The legitimacy of these decisions depends on the availability of avenues for contestation in the judicial decision-making process itself.


2012 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 101-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Calliess

AbstractAs a consequence of the British veto a reform of the EU Treaty, with the aim to strengthen the stability of the eurozone by transferring new competences in the field of fiscal and economic policies, became impossible. Therefore an international Treaty, the so called Fiscal Compact, was concluded among 25 Member States of the EU. The contribution deals with the complex relationship between both Treaties, especially with the institutional arrangement. It argues that the Fiscal Compact is in comparison to the adopted secondary legislation, the so called Six Pack, of a rather symbolic nature. The more important is the legal link between Fiscal Compact and the European Stability Mechanism (ESM), which makes stability a precondition for European solidarity. European control of stability might interfere with the budget sovereignty of national parliaments but as stability is, since the Treaty of Maastricht, a legally binding principle of the European Monetary Union, its more efficient control is in line with former transfer of competence. Not least budget sovereignty is lost if an over-indebted Member State’s choice is just between sovereign default and financial aid by the ESM. A fully fledged European control of the national budget is therefore in the last resort legitimate.


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