scholarly journals ‘Gender inequality- now available on digital platform’: an interplay between gender equality and the gig economy in the European Union

2020 ◽  
pp. 203195252095385
Author(s):  
Neha Vyas

This article is directed towards addressing the employment related issues encountered by female workers in the gig economy in the EU. It revolves around analysing ‘the switch’ from the traditional labour market to the platform economy. It subsequently explains, by drawing comparisons, that the issues of gender inequality in the brick and mortar world are still prevalent in world of the digital platform. In fact, new challenges have emerged which are specifically related to the gig economy. Female workers are now affected by the inherent bias of algorithms. Moreover, due to the unequivocal propagation of ‘flexibility’ which is used as a weapon to glorify the gig economy; women are even more likely to be pushed into precarious work. The other prominent issues of gender inequality like the dynamics of intersectionality, the gender pay gap and hiring policies in traditional and digital platforms are also examined. Furthermore, the existing regulatory frameworks addressing these issues are discussed with the possibility of catering to the gender inequality issues in the gig economy through policy development. The article concludes with a reflection on the need for the EU to take immediate and efficacious policy measures in respect of female workers in the gig economy.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vito Bobek ◽  
◽  
Shuporna Ghosh ◽  
Tatjana Horvat ◽  
◽  
...  

Digital data are core to all fast-emerging digital technologies, such as data analytics, artificial intelligence (AI), blockchain, the internet of things (IoT), cloud computing, and all internet-based services. The dominance of global digital platforms, their control of data, and their capacity to create and capture the ensuing value further accentuate concentration and consolidation rather than reduce inequalities between and within countries. This paper will analyze the digital platform economy in the European Union (EU) in the backdrop of the US and Asia Pacific digital platform economy and throw some light on critical factors for developing the conducive and globally competitive digital industry in the EU. This will be studied through some of the influences such as share of GDP, tax policies, FDI, and regulatory framework in the EU countries, contributing to creating a framework for a competitive global landscape of the EU.


2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 34
Author(s):  
Nuray GÖKÇEK KARACA ◽  
Azmi Recep ÖZDAŞ

In this research, a comparative analysis of the gender inequalities between Turkey the member, candidate and potential candidate economies of the European Union is tried to be examined. To ensure equality and justice and to reach the level of the EU Member states in this regard, it is a necessity to reduce the gender inequality in society. Rather than comparing Turkey with all transition economies within the frame of the EU standards of gender inequality, it was decided to compare Turkey with the transition economies like itself that are EU Members, Member candidates and potential candidates. The Gender Inequality Index that was developed by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) was used in the aforementioned comparisons. Research results show proof that there are unfavorable differences in Turkey in regards to the comparison of gender inequality with transition economies that are EU members, member candidates and potential candidates. This result shows that Turkey has omissions in all components of gender inequality, categorized as health care, participation in political life, access to education and participation in working life. Therefore Turkey needs to reconsider all these categories and their indicators.


2018 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 597-600 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carles Muntaner

Digital platform capitalism, as exemplified by companies like Uber or Lyft has the potential to transform employment and working conditions for an increasing segment of the worforce. Most digital economy workers are exposed to the health damaging precarious employment conditions characteristic of the contemporary working class in high income countries. Just as with Guy Standing or Mike Savage’s “precariat” it might appear that digital platform workers are a new social class or that they do not belong to any social class. Yet the class conflict interests (wages, benefits, employment and working conditions, collective action) of digital platform workers are similar to other members of the working class.


2021 ◽  
Vol VI (I) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Zaheer Iqbal Cheema ◽  
Ali Nawaz ◽  
Jawwad Riaz

The European Union has kept the agenda of gender equality at the front line of legislation and policy development. The research examined the policies and the efficacy of the European Union in endorsing gender equality and determines where the Union’s system has proved to be less effective. Despite the efforts by the European Union in addressing gender-related issues, a slow improvement has been indicated in achieving gender parity. Inequality persists in many domains of gender equality, including the gender pay gap and gender-based violence. Our research suggests that adequate attention in terms of relevance, effective implementation and funding must be given to all domains of gender equality.


Author(s):  
Jacek Zieliński

The necessity of the single migration- and terrorism-related legal policy development within the European Union is undisputed. It may turn out, however, that measures taken would not bring any improvement unless the priorities within such values as equality, respect for diversity, free movement of persons, solidarity and citizens’ security are previously established, sometimes – with a new content. The Author takes the position that the values considered now to be the core of the EU existence and its key achievement can underpin its disintegration. The escalation of migration stimulates centrifugal destructive movements reflected in the increasing impact of the renationalisation philosophy of thinking about Europe on the Community solidarity, fossilisation of social moods and expectations, growing popularity of right-wing parties. All these, in consequence, foster the fossilisation and restrictiveness of law. It is related in part to the fear of globalisation and in part to the excessive regulations at the macro level, therefore to the breach of self-identification security that is getting more and more apparent nowadays. From that perspective, the separation of the contradictions that have arisen between the basic EU values as regards providing single legal policy in the migration area seems to be cognitively valuable. Another issue is to answer the question how this wave of refugees has escalated and whose interest is currently in the destabilisation of Europe. The question is all the more important that the refugees are not heading towards other culturally closer Islamic countries or the USA but the pillar-states of the EU. Vienotas ar migrāciju un terorismu saistītas tiesiskās politikas nepieciešamība Eiropas Savienībā ir neapstrīdama. Tomēr var izrādīties, ka veiktie pasākumi neradīs nekādu uzlabojumu, ja vien kā prioritātes netiks izvirzītas tādas vērtības kā vienlīdzība, cieņa pret dažādību, personu brīva pārvietošanās, solidaritāte un iedzīvotāju drošība, kas jau ir paredzētas, dažreiz – ar jaunu saturu. Autors pauž nostāju, ka vērtības, kas šobrīd ir ES pastāvēšanas kodols un tās galvenais sasniegums, var veicināt tās sabrukumu. Migrācijas eskalācija stimulē destruktīvas centrbēdzes kustības, kas atspoguļojas pieaugošā ietekmē uz renacionalizācijas filozofiju, domājot par Eiropas Kopienas solidaritāti, sociālo noskaņu un vēlmju fosilizāciju, labējo partiju pieaugošo popularitāti. Tas viss var veicināt likuma fosilizāciju un modifikāciju, turklāt tas daļēji ir saistīts ar bailēm no globalizācijas un ar pārmērīgajiem noteikumiem makrolīmenī, līdz ar to pārkāpjot pašidentifikācijas drošību. No šī viedokļa raugoties, pretrunu, kas radušās starp galvenajām ES pamatvērtībām un attiecībā uz vienotu tiesisku politiku migrācijas jomā, nodalīšana ir neapstrīdami nepieciešama. Vēl viens jautājums, kas prasa atbildi, ir: kādēļ šis bēgļu vilnis ir eskalējies un kā interesēs pašlaik notiek destabilizācija Eiropā? Un kāpēc bēgļi nedodas uz citām kultūras ziņā tuvākām islāma valstīm vai ASV, bet gan tieši uz Eiropu?


Author(s):  
Ihor Alieksieienko

The article discusses some of the issues of the application of labor (employment) law to regulate labor relations in the gig economy of Ukraine. In recent years Ukraine occupied one of the first places in the world by its growth rate. A small part of those employed in it work as employees on the basis of employment contract, and the overwhelming majority as self-employed contractors or without formalized legal relations. At the same time, there are signs of labor relations in the work of the latter. Therefore, the issue of legal regulation of their work by labor law is of great practical and theoretical importance not only in Ukraine, but also in the European Union and other countries. The author paid some attention to studying the experience of the European Union on the regulation of labor relations in the gig economy. Here, judicial practice, the case law of the Court of Justice of the EU, as well as legal acts of the Parliament and Council of the EU. According the author, these documents pursue the goal of extending the labor law to workers of gig economy, who are in fact not self-employed, but employees. The person is qualified by EU law as employee if his independent is merely notion, thereby disguising an employment relationship. Among the legal documents of Ukraine regarding these issues first of all, it is necessary to name the draft law “On Amendment to Labor Code on Definition of Labor Relationships and signs of their Existence”. It introduces 7 signs of employment: if three of them are present – a person is presumed to be an employee. In general, this draft law contains progressive provisions. At the same time, the Law “On Promoting the Development of Digital Economy in Ukraine” is quite contradictory. So if the whole world tries to provide labor rights for gig workers who have no signs of self-employed independent contractor, this Law introduces the terms “gig-specialist” and “gig-contract” and takes them outside the labor law, qualifying them as civil law. At the same time this Law grants “gig-specialists” their own separate labor rights instead of others, including collective. Thus, regulation of labor relations in the gig economy of Ukraine needs improvement based on the study and application of the positive experience of EU legislation and jurisprudence.


2019 ◽  
Vol 61 ◽  
pp. 01008 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mykola Khomenko ◽  
Kateryna Pryakhina ◽  
Kostyantyn Latyshev

In article assessment of tendencies and prospects of cooperation between Ukraine and the European Union in the field of renewable energy sources was carried out. Over the past decades, the theme of climate change, especially caused by human activity, has become one of the most acute and most exploited in scientific disputes. Today, the problem of finding new sources of energy is more than acute, with a special place occupy non-traditional ones. The reduction of Ukraine's energy dependence on traditional fuel resources is possible only through the development and use own alternative energy, which uses local resources – bioenergy as a fuel or does not require a fuel component at all – solar, wind and small hydropower. The European Union is one of the leaders in the implementation of alternative energy and renewable energy sources and initiates the creation of many organizations that finance alternative energy projects. Ukraine should ensure the effective convergence of its own legislation with the European Union, since it defined the European integration vector as a priority area of foreign policy development. At the same time, within the framework of the Union, the mechanism of environmental protection and progressive approaches to the implementation of energy policy, including in the field of renewable energy, can serve as the most constructive benchmarks for Ukraine's development in this area. Ukraine signed the Paris Agreement, and undertook certain commitments, namely: in accordance with the National Action Plan on alternative energy up to 2020, the objective was to reach 11% of RES in gross final energy consumption. Achieving this goal is possible only in the case of international cooperation with the EU in the field of alternative energy. However, today, the study of the prospects of cooperation between Ukraine and the EU in this field is not developing sufficiently and there is a certain vacuum in solving strategic problems in this context, which determines the relevance of the topic.


Author(s):  
Seamus Simpson

For most of the 20th century, telecommunications was a matter of national governance and thus of peripheral interest to the European Union. Then from the mid- to late-1980s, the EU began to develop an intensified policy package for the telecommunications sector. Telecommunications has now grown to become one of the most prominent and extensive policy areas addressed by the EU. But what accounts for such a remarkable Europeanization of telecommunications governance? In polar contrast to its origins, telecommunications has become a key focus in neoliberal economics and policy in effecting sectoral change. This development went hand in hand with arguments around propounding the benefits of economic globalization, which sustained a move to internationalize the organization of telecommunications to the European level along neoliberal lines. However, notwithstanding the remarkable growth of the EU governance framework for telecommunications, there are nuances in the analysis of the constant resistance to the wholesale Europeanization of telecommunications policy that provide evidence of a residual tension between national- and EU-level interests. This tension has been evident in policy proposals, decision-making, and implementation at key junctures for more since the late 1980s The policy has played key roles at different times, in particular, on the national level, involving governmental, regulatory, and commercial actors. Telecommunications thus provides a classic illustration of the balance that needs to be struck in the development of communications policies in the EU between supranational and intergovernmental interests. Now part of a converging electronic communications sector, this feature of telecommunications governance is as prominent today as it was in the very early days of EU telecommunications policy development in the mid- to late-1980s.


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (5) ◽  
pp. 39-48
Author(s):  
O. Yudina

Received 08.05.2020. Energy has always been of particular importance to the European Union. Meanwhile, up to the beginning of the 21st century, this area had been in exclusive competence of member states, with timid attempts of the European Commission (EC) to receive part of the powers in the energy sphere. The article is devoted to the issues of the EU common external energy policy development that was accompanied by a dichotomy of interests between the member-states, which hardly like the idea of the energy sector communitarisation, and the European Commission, which has been the main driver of supranationalisation of the energy sphere for a long period of time. The author characterizes the main achievements towards the EU common external energy policy, including the law regarding the export of energy to neighboring non-member countries through various organizations, such as the Energy Community, the Eastern Partnership, MEDREG, and launching of the European Energy Union (EEU) in 2015. Special attention is paid to external factors that facilitated the enhancement of the European Commission’s role in the energy sphere. The new era for the EU common external energy policy started in 2015 with the EEU and energy security as one of its priority, partly due to the gas crises and political tension between the European Union and Russia. It is noted that the EEU has facilitated the adoption of some EC’s legal proposals that could not be adopted for a long time, such as the mechanism of consultations on new intergovernmental contracts. In general, the creation of the Energy Union should certainly be seen as strengthening the supranational energy competences of the European Commission. It is concluded that the European Commission has made a significant progress towards a common external energy policy, strongly supported by the public opinion that the European Union should speak one voice with third countries. Despite the lack of legally supported competencies in energy for the EC, it gained authority in different directions of the EU energy policy development. Under these circumstances, the common energy market that has led to energy interdependent of the member states, forces them to cooperate at a supranational level. The author argues that third countries should clearly understand the dynamic and processes of communitarisation of the energy sphere and adopt their cooperation with the European Union based on this knowledge.


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