Hong Kong as special cultural zone: Confucian geopolitics in practice

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 236-243
Author(s):  
Mia M Bennett

Responding to An, Sharp, and Shaw’s article, ‘Towards Confucian Geopolitics’, I consider how strategies and interpretations of Chinese geopolitics are playing out in Hong Kong with attention to their cultural dimensions. First, I reflect upon the reactions of individuals and the media in the West—specifically Britain—to the protests and street violence that rocked its former colony in the summer of 2019. Second, to reckon with An, Sharp, and Shaw’s contention that the hybridized nature of Chinese geopolitics emerges from its ‘strategic adaptability’, thereby enabling the integration of foreign ideas into Chinese cultural traditions, I offer a brief critique of cultural and infrastructural developments in Hong Kong relating to the West Kowloon Cultural District. Initially intended to showcase local culture and link it into the art world’s global circuits, the megaproject is increasingly being made in China’s image. Third, as a counterpoint to the supposed flexibility of the Chinese geopolitical imagination, I address the ossification of Western geopolitical thought and practice. In order for geographers to build more pluralistic critical geopolitics, engaging with a diversity of geopolitical approaches and their cultural underpinnings is key. For Western nation-states, failing to practice a more hybridized geopolitics may represent a more existential risk.

Author(s):  
Charles E. Morrison

Many trends in East Asia, such as the consolidation of nation-states and the growth of economic interdependence and regional cooperation, support a more robust “partial order.” However, geo-political issues, especially China’s ambitions and inter-Korean relations remain significant question marks, intensified by uncertainty about the USA. Asian countries generally benchmark rather than challenge many principles of the liberal international order, but there are cultural traditions and modern preferences at variance with Western political liberalism. The weight of Asia suggests that as a truly global system evolves, there will be some compromise between Western and Eastern concepts of order, all the more likely as domestic support for international liberalism has eroded in parts of the West, notably the USA.


1997 ◽  
Vol 74 (4) ◽  
pp. 738-756 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lars Willnat ◽  
Zhou He ◽  
Hao Xiaoming

This study examines the relationship between foreign media exposure and stereotypical perceptions of and feelings toward Americans in Hong Kong, Shenzhen (China), and Singapore. In line with previous studies, it finds that foreign TV consumption is related to negative stereotypical perceptions of and feelings toward Americans among all tested subjects. However, it also finds that different types of foreign media, such as newspaper, radio, video, and movies, exhibit very distinct and different relationships with perceptions of Americans by subjects from China and Singapore. It suggests that in studies of foreign media impact, attention should be given to specific foreign media channels, the actual content of the media, the impact of local media, the stages at which other cultures encounter the Western culture, and the cultural context of each society.


1977 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 350-366 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip A. Kuhn

The transmission of systems of ideas across wide cultural gaps is hard enough to study on any scale of human organization. It is particularly hard when two large, complex cultures meet under traumatic circumstances, as did China and the West in the nineteenth century. The myriad variables in such a situation dictate special care in defining the specific terms and conditions under which ideas are transmitted. The present case suggests three points worth attention: first, the precise language of the textual material that impinges on the host culture; second, the underlying structure of the historical circumstances into which this material is introduced; third, the process whereby the foreign material becomes important to sectors of society outside the group that first appreciated and received it and thereby becomes a significant historical force.


Hypatia ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 715-730 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sunera Thobani

In the volatile conflicts that inaugurated the twenty‐first century, secularism, democracy, and freedom were identified by Western nation‐states as symbolizing their civilizational values, in contrast to the fanaticism, misogyny, and homophobia they attributed to “Islam.” The figure of the Muslim was thus transformed into an existential threat. This paper analyzes an exchange among scholars—Is Critique Secular? Blasphemy, Injury, and Free Speech—that engages these highly contested issues. As such, the text provides a rare opportunity to study how particular significations of the West, its epistemological tradition, and its relation with Islam are contested and negotiated in a critically engaged site during a moment of global crisis. My reading of the text leads me to argue that the stabilization of the epistemic power of the West is presently reliant on a new iteration of its foundational philosophical concepts to suppress counter‐hegemonic narratives that foreground its forms of violence. Further, the terrain for this reshaping of the dominance of this tradition is gender/sexuality, such that queer politics are located at the forefront of the Western politico‐philosophical project. As such, the advancement of this tradition is co‐constitutive with that of the gendered‐sexual subject as emblematic of its highest civilizational values.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix Wiebrecht

The freedom of press is one aspect that leaders from the West often criticise about China. As former British colony, Hong Kong has been able to preserve its special status with constitutional rights and liberties that also include the freedom of press. However, in recent years, sentiments of increased influence from Beijing have led to fears that it would curb the freedoms enjoyed by residents of the Special Administrative Region. However, instead of clear unambiguous interferences, Beijing has opted for an indirect approach that is predominantly characterised by the salience of economic considerations in reporting news binding the media outlets closer to the position of Beijing. This article shows that the South China Morning Post has undergone an editorial shift that moves it closer to the position of the Chinese government.


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