The State, Networks and Family Raj in Goa

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 168-179 ◽  
Author(s):  
Parag D. Parobo

Goa achieved statehood in 1987. While from 1963 to 1989 there were only two legislators with ‘dynastic ties’, since 1990, there have been 23 political families contesting elections, with 10 dynastic candidates voted to the assembly. How might we understand the rise of ‘family raj’ in Goa’s politics? What does Goa teach us about the relationship between economy and politics? This article analyses Goa’s changing political economy and argues that apart from ‘increasing financial returns associated with state power’, it is the ‘networked’ contexts of these families that catapult them and sustain their growth. Two important political families and their particular networks are discussed to show how family raj is weaved in a wider network of power and money.

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Maksum

Political economy and religious policies affect the relationship between sharia and financial authorities. Countries that make Islam as the official religion put Sharia authorities within the scope of the state. Malaysia is one of the countries that put Sharia authorities in the structure of state authority, although it is subject to independency. In the meantime, Indonesia combines the two models of relationship: 1) granting broader independence to sharia authority (the Indonesian Ulema Council) and 2) forming sharia board to deal with sharia finance, among others. The comparison of Indonesian, Malaysian, and the Middle Eastern countries’ system shows that the independence and the effectiveness of sharia economic fatwa application are found to attract each other. This, in turn, influences the supervision of Islamic financial institutions.  AbstrakPolitik ekonomi dan kebijakan agama memengaruhi hubungan antara otoritas syariah dan otoritas keuangan. Negara yang menjadikan Islam sebagai agama resmi menempatkan otoritas syariah dalam ruang lingkup negara. Malaysia adalah salah satu negara yang menempatkan otoritas Syariah dalam struktur otoritas negara, meskipun tetap independen. Sementara itu, Indonesia menggabungkan dua model hubungan: 1) memberikan independensi yang lebih luas kepada otoritas syariah (Majelis Ulama Indonesia) dan 2) membentuk dewan syariah untuk menangani hal yang berkaitan dengan keuangan syariah. Perbandingan sistem Indonesia, Malaysia, dan negara-negara Timur Tengah menunjukkan bahwa independensi dan efektivitas penerapan fatwa ekonomi syariah terbukti saling berhubungan satu sama lain. Ini, pada gilirannya, memengaruhi pengawasan lembaga keuangan Islam.


Author(s):  
D. Ndirangu Wachanga

Any meaningful debate on global media and information ethics is burdened with the complexity of dissecting various disjunctive dynamics that characterize the complexity of emerging global relationships. The authors argue that the emerging global phenomenon problematizes the Cartesian plane of oppositions – center vs. periphery, North vs. South, global vs. local, which has been the forte of globalization studies until recently. It is against this background that the authors seek to examine challenges of having a global information and media ethics. The authors will pay attention to the antagonistic mechanics informing the domination and rejection of intangible ethical principles. In this discussion, they will be guided, partly, by Alleyne’s (2009, p. 384) postulation on the need to pay attention to “changes in state power, the relationship between the market and the state, and modifications in the ideological assumptions about the optimum form of world order.”


Author(s):  
Donald Bloxham ◽  
A. Dirk Moses

This article describes the state of genocide studies, historicization, and causation, placing genocide into its historical context, and genocide in the world today. ‘Genocide’ is unfortunately ubiquitous, all too often literally in attempts at the destruction of human groups, but also rhetorically in the form of a word that is at once universally known and widely invoked. The comparative scholarship of genocide began with Raphael Lemkin and through the later Cold War period was continued by a small group of dedicated scholars. The discussion also opens the probing of the limits and the utility of the concept of genocide for historical understanding, and placing this crime back in its context that may often include mass non-genocidal violence. It also reflects on the debate about the relationship between individual acts of genocide and the wider political economy and norms of the worlds in which they occur.


2020 ◽  
Vol 114 (2) ◽  
pp. 309-325 ◽  
Author(s):  
EMILY KALAH GADE

Checkpoints in the West Bank’s Hebron Governorate represent Israel’s ever-present power over Palestinian civilians. Drawing on 71 interviews conducted during the Intifada of Individuals (2015), this article inductively builds theory about the relationship between social isolation and different modalities of resistance. Rather than forcing civilians to comply with the state, checkpoint apparatus instead change the nature and texture of resistance. I suggest that checkpoints structure social connections for civilians on the ground. Checkpoint apparatus which inhibit social connection engender a feeling of hopelessness and foster support for individual, often violent, resistance. Where checkpoints isolate a community as a whole but did not disrupt within-community social connections, citizens maintain hope for the possibility of change, which facilitates a preference for collective resistance. This article identifies troubling consequences checkpoints have on civilians and highlights how oppressive state power can limit some modalities of resistance only to engender support for others.


1997 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 150-170 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert O. Keohane

Stephen D. Krasner's article in this journal in 1976, “State Power and the Structure of International Trade,” defined the agenda for years of scholarship by being both lucid and problematic. Krasner presented a clear puzzle but manifestly failed adequately to answer the questions that he raised. His key proposition, that strong international economic regimes depend on hegemonic power, was supported by only half of the six cases that he discussed. Yet the cogency of Krasner's formulation of the argument, and the pungency of his rhetoric, led “State Power” to serve as a focal point in a coordination game among three major constituencies in the international political economy field. Liberal transnationalists, statist realists, and their audiences all benefited from Krasner's lucid specification of the issues. As a result of research prompted by Krasner's article, we understand the relationship between international political structure and economic openness much better than we did before it appeared.


1994 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 419-452 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey A. Winters

This essay reviews three recent books on the political economy of finance in postcolonial Asia and Latin America and suggests a framework for examining the relationship between political power and varying patterns of control over investment resources. The stress is on the constraints different controllers of capital can impose on state leaders, the conditions under which policymakers can subvert these constraints, and how conflicts within the state over the trajectory of policy are mediated by who (or what) supplies critical investment resources and the institutional channels through which the resources flow.


2011 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 219-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
David F. Ruccio

Abstract In this review, I argue that Erik Olin Wright’s Envisioning Real Utopias is necessary reading for anyone interested in thinking through the possibilities of creating noncapitalist ways of organising economic and social life in the world today. However, I also raise questions about Wright’s deterministic interpretation of Marx’s critique of political economy, his relative neglect of class-analysis, and his non-Gramscian conception of the relationship between the state, economy, and civil society.


2004 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard R. John

Historians of the United States have long contended that the study of governmental institutions, including the history of public policy, is no longer central to the teaching and writing of American history. Some lament this development; others hail it as a sign that other worthy topics are finally getting the attention they deserve. Yet is it true? The recent outpouring of scholarship on the relationship between the state and the market, or what an earlier generation would have called political economy, raises questions about this venerable conceit. Indeed, if one were to pick a single word to characterize the state of the field in the history of American political economy, it might well be “robust.”


2009 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-151
Author(s):  
Dewale Adewale Yagboyaju

It is common to interpret African politics in tribal or ethnic terms. In the case of Nigeria, the dominant political behaviour can be defined, on the one hand, in terms of “incessant pressures on the state and the consequent fragmentation or prebendalizing of state-power” (Joseph, 1991:5). On the other hand, such practices can also be related to “a certain articulation of the factors of class and ethnicity” (ibid). For a better understanding of the essentials of Nigerian politics and its dynamics, it is necessary to develop a clearer perspective on the relationship between the two social categories mentioned above and their effects on such issues as political corruption and poverty.


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