scholarly journals Statelessness in the United States: A Study to Estimate and Profile the US Stateless Population

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 150-213
Author(s):  
Donald Kerwin ◽  
Daniela Alulema ◽  
Michael Nicholson ◽  
Robert Warren

Executive Summary In October 2017, the Center for Migration Studies of New York (CMS) initiated a study to map the stateless population in the United States. This study sought to: Develop a methodology to estimate the US stateless population; Provide provisional estimates and profiles of persons who are potentially stateless or potentially at risk of statelessness in the United States; Create a research methodology that encouraged stateless persons to come forward and join a growing network of persons committed to educating the public on and pursuing solutions to this problem; and Establish an empirical basis for public and private stakeholders to develop services, programs, and policy interventions to prevent and reduce statelessness (UNHCR 2014g, 6), and to safeguard the rights of stateless persons ( UNHCR 2014d ). This report describes a unique methodology to produce estimates and set forth the characteristics of US residents who are potentially stateless or potentially at risk of statelessness. The methodology relies on American Community Survey (ACS) data from the US Census Bureau, supplemented by very limited administrative data on stateless refugees and asylum seekers. 1 As part of the study, CMS developed extensive, well-documented profiles of non–US citizen residents who are potentially stateless or potentially at risk of statelessness. It then used these profiles to query ACS data to develop provisional estimates and determine the characteristics of these populations. The report finds that the population in the United States that is potentially stateless or potentially at risk of statelessness is larger and more diverse than previously assumed, albeit with the caveat that severe data limitations make it impossible to provide precise estimates of this population. Stateless determinations require individual screening, which the study could not undertake. Individuals deemed potentially stateless or potentially at risk of statelessness in this report may in fact have been able to secure nationality in their home countries or in third countries. They may also be on a path to citizenship in the United States, although nobody in CMS’s estimates had yet to obtain US citizenship. According to CMS’s analysis, roughly 218,000 US residents are potentially stateless or potentially at risk of statelessness. These groups live in all 50 states, 2 with the largest populations in California (20,600), New York (18,500), Texas (15,200), Ohio (13,200), Minnesota (11,200), Illinois (8,600), Pennsylvania (8,200), Wisconsin (7,300), Georgia (6,600), and Virginia (6,500). The report recommends ways to improve data collection and, thus, develop better estimates in the future. It also lifts up the voices and challenges of stateless persons, and outlines steps to reduce statelessness and safeguard the rights of stateless persons in the United States. As it stands, the paucity of reliable federal data on the stateless, the lack of a designated path to legal status for them under US law, and the indifference of government agencies contribute to the vulnerability and isolation of these populations.

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Warren

Executive Summary This report presents estimates of the undocumented population residing in the United States in 2018, highlighting demographic changes since 2010. The Center for Migration Studies of New York (CMS) compiled these estimates based primarily on information collected in the US Census Bureau’s American Community Survey (ACS). The annual CMS estimates of undocumented residents for 2010 to 2018 include all the detailed characteristics collected in the ACS. 1 A summary of the CMS estimation procedures, as well as a discussion of the plausibility of the estimates, is provided in the Appendix . The total undocumented population in the United States continued to decline in 2018, primarily because large numbers of undocumented residents returned to Mexico. From 2010 to 2018, a total of 2.6 million Mexican nationals left the US undocumented population; 2 about 1.1 million, or 45 percent of them, returned to Mexico voluntarily. The decline in the US undocumented population from Mexico since 2010 contributed to declines in the undocumented population in many states. Major findings include the following: The total US undocumented population was 10.6 million in 2018, a decline of about 80,000 from 2017, and a drop of 1.2 million, or 10 percent, since 2010. Since 2010, about two-thirds of new arrivals have overstayed temporary visas and one-third entered illegally across the border. The undocumented population from Mexico fell from 6.6 million in 2010 to 5.1 million in 2018, a decline of 1.5 million, or 23 percent. Total arrivals in the US undocumented population from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras — despite high numbers of Border Patrol apprehensions of these populations in recent years — remained at about the same level in 2018 as in the previous four years. 3 The total undocumented population in California was 2.3 million in 2018, a decline of about 600,000 compared to 2.9 million in 2010. The number from Mexico residing in the state dropped by 605,000 from 2010 to 2018. The undocumented population in New York State fell by 230,000, or 25 percent, from 2010 to 2018. Declines were largest for Jamaica (−51 percent), Trinidad and Tobago (−50 percent), Ecuador (−44 percent), and Mexico (−34 percent). The results shown here reinforce the view that improving social and economic conditions in sending countries would not only reduce pressure at the border but also likely cause a large decline in the undocumented population. Two countries had especially large population changes — in different directions — in the 2010 to 2018 period. The population from Poland dropped steadily, from 93,000 to 39,000, while the population from Venezuela increased from 65,000 to 172,000. Almost all the increase from Venezuela occurred after 2014.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1986 ◽  
Vol 77 (5) ◽  
pp. 781-782
Author(s):  
KATHERINE K. CHRISTOFFEL ◽  
TOM CHRISTOFFEL

THE ISSUE There are an estimated 40 to 50 million handguns in the United States, with approximately 2 million more being manufactured annually1 (The New York Times, July 9, 1985, p 16). The high prevalence of handgun injury in the United States is unique in all the world and is increasing. Children are among the growing legions of US citizens harmed by the handgun epidemic.2 The effort to control handguns is focussed on developing laws to control their manufacture, importation, purchase, possession, and use. Opponents of these legal approaches claim that gun control endangers constitutional freedoms. When asked, the US Supreme court has consistently rejected that position in favor of the view that the Second Amendment protects a collective, not a personal, right to bear arms.3,4


Author(s):  
Andrew Glazzard

‘You will be amused to hear that I am at work upon a Sherlock Holmes story. So the old dog returns to his vomit.’1 Arthur Conan Doyle to Herbert Greenhough Smith Sherlock Holmes, who died in Switzerland in May 1891, returned to the world on 23 October 1899. The location for his rebirth was, somewhat surprisingly, the Star Theatre in Buffalo, New York. Early the following month, Holmes moved to New York where he could be found in Manhattan’s Garrick Theatre on 236 separate occasions, before making his way across the United States. In September 1901, Holmes went back to Great Britain, arriving (like so many travellers from the US) at Liverpool, before reaching London on 9 September 1901. He was so much in demand that on 1 February 1902 he received an audience with King Edward VII and Queen Alexandra. In 1902 he was again in New York, was seen travelling across northern England in 1903, and for the next thirty years popped up repeatedly in various American towns and cities....


Author(s):  
Samuel F. B. Morse

New York City University, September 27, 1837. Dear Sir: In reply to the inquiries which you have done me the honor to make, in asking my opinion ‘of the propriety of establishing a system of telegraphs for the United States,’ I would say, in regard...


Policy Analysis in the United States brings together contributions from some of the world’s leading scholars and practitioners of public policy analysis including Beryl Radin, David Weimer, Rebecca Maynard, Laurence Lynn, and Guy Peters. This volume is part of the International Library of Policy Analysis series, enabling scholars to compare cross-nationally concepts and practices of public policy analysis in the media, sub-national governments, and many more institutional settings. The book explores the current landscape of public policy in the US, its breadth and complexities, and the role of policy analysis. It highlights the role and importance of policy analysis in the present, especially in the context of “alternative facts”, as well as looking at the evolution of the discipline over time. It examines policy analysis from local to national levels, and includes specific chapters examining how public policies and policy analysis have been shaped by, and shapes, public opinion, the American political landscape, the media, public and private sectors, higher education, and more. It includes an examination of how the academic fields of policy training and policy analysis are changing, and how policy analysis as a discipline, which started in the US, has grown and developed internationally.


2006 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 446-448
Author(s):  
Kim Speers

For Better or Worse: How Political Consultants are Changing Elections in the United States, David Dulio, Albany: State University of New York Press, 2004, pp. xvii, 289.During the 2004 federal election, the media shone light on the political consultants who were reportedly affiliated or somehow related to Paul Martin's election campaign. By their account, the traditional party machine, often viewed to be the primary, if not the only, actor in political campaigns in Canada, seemed to have taken a backseat to the expensive, polished and professional campaign machinery the private sector had to offer. Campaign management through consultancy was now publicly visible in Canada and reliance on the party machine, while still important, seemed to face competition in terms of expertise and proximity to power. However, the study of political campaigns and specifically, the role of political consultants within campaigns, has received sparse attention from the political science community outside of the United States. Yet even in the US, in spite of the prevalent and pervasive presence of political consultants in electoral politics, the study of this group is relatively new.


Author(s):  
S.O. Buranok ◽  

The article is devoted to the problem of formation of approaches and assessments of the Chinese crisis of 1931 in the US press; it is based on the materials of both Democratic and Republican press of the USA. The materials of the American press of 1931 dedicated to the search for the most efficient optimal strategy of building relations with China and Japan demonstrate a steady interest of American mass media towards negative and positive experience of Asianpolicy. In the course of a difficult search of an optimal view on crisis, several polar points of view were formulated in the American press. A study of daily newspapers and analytical magazines in the United States shows that in the fall of 1931 two approaches to the «Chinese incident» were formed: isolationist and internationalist. In the fall of 1931, the US periodicals did not yet have the idea of “saving China”, which became popular during the second Sino-Japanese war. The journalists and editors viewed a tacit and indirect support for the Japanese claims as only significant model for solving the «China problem». Thus, the study of the positions of the major American press and the most prominent journalists is important for understanding how the USA, after the Chinese crisis, gradually realized its place in the new system of international relations. In addition, the press shows how the United States planned to develop interaction with the warring states in the Pacific Ocean.


Hadassah ◽  
2011 ◽  
pp. 54-70
Author(s):  
Mira Katzburg-Yungman

This chapter takes a look at the women who led the organization. Between the end of the Second World War and the end of Israel's first decade of statehood in 1958, Hadassah was headed by twelve of the thirty women who sat on the National Board. They can be divided into three groups according to their socioeconomic and cultural background. One group (the largest) comprised members of families that had emigrated to the United States from eastern Europe. These women had been raised and educated in America, most of them in New York. The second group, consisting of women from a German Jewish background, falls into two sub-groups: American-born women of German Jewish origin who were married to men of east European origin, and very well-to-do women who came to the United States from Germany on the eve of the Second World War. The third group consisted of women who were involved in volunteer work in Palestine and, later, Israel. The members of this last group had a totally different background from that of the US leadership, but their work in Palestine over a long period justifies their inclusion in this chapter's review.


2019 ◽  
pp. 25-53
Author(s):  
Elaine Howard Ecklund ◽  
David R. Johnson ◽  
Brandon Vaidyanathan ◽  
Kirstin R. W. Matthews ◽  
Steven W. Lewis ◽  
...  

US scientists believe that the US religious public is generally antiscience. However the views of religious Americans are much more nuanced and religious Americans are often more open to science and scientific issues than scientists would believe. Nevertheless, scientists’ perceptions of the religious public in the United States shape their views of religion and science. Scientists who are religious generally keep their science and their faith separate. Religious scientists feel they are at risk of discrimination within the scientific community, because of existing stereotypes about religious people. Religious scientists are often influenced by their faith when choosing scientific work that they think will have a beneficial impact on society.


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