The intimate-mobility entanglement: Subaltern trajectories in the Haitian-Dominican borderlands

2020 ◽  
pp. 239965442093072
Author(s):  
Masaya Llavaneras Blanco

This article argues that intimacy and human (im)mobilities are interrelated, and that this relationship is integral to the way borders function and are experienced. I propose the concept of intimate-mobility entanglement to describe this relationship of interdependence. Based on primary research conducted with Haitian domestic workers that work in the Dominican Republic (DR), the article illustrates how intimate labour functions as a driver and a strategy for human (im)mobility. The article characterizes the interactions between (im)mobility and intimacy as a relationship of entanglement that is observable in domestic work, childrearing, intimate violence, border crossing and access to the right to nationality. The article centers on the spatial trajectory of Marie, a Haitian woman who works as a domestic worker in a Dominican border town after having lived and worked in several towns in the DR for twenty years. Marie’s spatial trajectories illuminate how the intimate-mobility entanglement is integral to the Dominican border regime. Through individual interviews, participant observation and mapping Marie’s journeys through Haitian and Dominican territories, the article revisits her spatial trajectories and sheds light on the dual relationship between the intimate-mobility entanglement and the border regime. On the one hand, the entanglement intervenes in the way the border is reinforced in the actual border strip while it also stretches out into Dominican territory. On the other, the border regime conditions Marie’s labour, how she moves and settles down, and influences how intimate labours are carried out and experienced. Building on a tradition of feminist and subaltern geographies, as well as on mobilities literature, the article presents a contextualized analysis of the politics of subaltern mobilities and explains how intimacy and intimate labours are critical aspects of how borders work.

PEDIATRICS ◽  
1953 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
pp. 471-482
Author(s):  
JONAS E. SALK

The simple fact is: That an experimental method for inducing measurable amounts of antibody for the three known poliomyelitis viruses, employing a killed-virus vaccine is available, and it now becomes possible to determine whether—and to what extent—the incidence of naturally occurring paralysis may be influenced. All that should be inferred now is that studies are progressing satisfactorily; there have been no set-backs nor anything but revelations that shed more light on the course ahead. We must continue to regard the experimental developments to date as providing immunologic markers along the way that tell us whether we are on the right road. That there is more to do now than before indicates that we have not stumbled down a by-way but have selected a road, with many lanes, that seems long indeed. Our problem is to select not only the fast lane but the one that is safest and most certain.


Author(s):  
Cem Özatalay ◽  
Gözde Aytemur Nüfusçu ◽  
Gülistan Zeren

The use of blood money by powerful people during the judicial process following different kinds of homicides (workplace homicides, state homicides, gun homicides and so on) has become commonplace within the neoliberal context. Based on data obtained from five cases in Turkey, this chapter shows, on the one hand, how the use of blood money serves as an effective tool in the hands of powerful people to consolidate power relations, particularly necropower, as well as the relationship of domination, which rests upon class and identity-based inequalities. The analysis indicates that the blood money offers made by powerful people allows them to minimize potential penalties within penal courts and also to keep their privileged positions in the social hierarchy by purchasing the ‘right to kill’. On the other hand, the resistance of the oppressed and aggrieved people to the subjugation of life to the power of death is analysed with a particular focus on the role of power asymmetries between perpetrators and victims and their unequal positions in the social hierarchy. This conflictual relationship, which we qualify as an expression of necrodomination, offers novel insights into Turkey’s historically shaped system of domination.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scott A. Anderson

This essay differentiates two approaches to understanding the concept of coercion, and argues for the relative merits of the one currently out of fashion. The approach currently dominant in the philosophical literature treats threats as essential to coercion, and understands coercion in terms of the way threats alter the costs and benefits of an agent’s actions; I call this the “pressure” approach. It has largely superseded the “enforcement approach,” which focuses on the powers and actions of the coercer rather than the perspective of the coercee. The enforcement approach identifies coercion with certain uses of the kinds of powers that agents need to accumulate and wield in order to be able to make significant, credible threats. Though there is considerable overlap extensionally in the instances of coercion recognized by the two approaches, the enforcement approach encompasses some uses of power to coerce that do not involve threats (in particular some direct uses of physical force). It also circumscribes which threats should be counted as coercive, though notably it provides a picture of coercion that is non-moralized in its essentials. While there may be specific purposes for which a pressure account is to be preferred, I argue that the enforcement approach better describes how coercion works, and elucidates factors that are often tacitly assumed by pressure accounts. It also is more useful for explaining the social and political significance of coercion, and why coercion is thought to have the implications commonly associated with it. In particular, I argue that it helps us understand why uses of coercion are in general a matter of ethical significance, why state authority depends on commanding a monopoly on the right to use coercion, and why being coerced may reasonably provide one a defense against being held responsible for actions one is coerced into taking.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (10) ◽  
pp. 399
Author(s):  
Victor Le Le Franc ◽  
Alexis Spire

Drawing on quantitative and qualitative data, this article points out the effects that instances of contact with the police can produce on the relationship with this public institution. The quantitative analysis highlights that trust in the police depends on social variables, such as political orientation, level of resources, age, and religion, but also on the frequency of direct contact with this institution. Being summoned to a police station is significantly associated with distrust in the police, and self-initiated contacts also promote distrust toward the police. Our qualitative data, collected through participant observation and interviews, provide a further insight into these results. The interaction between the police and governed people has two dimensions that may explain the production of distrust. On the one hand, the interaction involves a relationship of domination by the police, which is manifested by a demand on the part of the police for docility from the complainants. On the other hand, it involves a relationship of service, which gives rise to an expectation of recognition on the part of governed people, an expectation that is rarely satisfied. These everyday interactions do not necessarily translate into judgments about the fairness of police officers. Such feelings of frustration and dispossession should be taken into consideration in understanding how trust is affected by these voluntary contacts.


Author(s):  
Sean Parson

Chapter 5 turns to the activism and politics of anarchist homeless activists in resisting the city’s attempts to exclude the homeless. I turn to two important political theorists to make sense of the resistance of Food Not Bombs: Jacques Rancière and Eduardo Glissant. Rancière’s short piece “Ten theses on politics” provides a powerful understanding of the way that disruptive actions and resistance expand political space, while Glissant’s idea of right to opacity examines the complex relationship of violence, power, and visibility. The chapter argue that the homeless have a right to opacity from the state, and state surveillance, and that the homeless should only be as visible as they want to be. This means that public occupations, political protests, and public meals are legitimate forms of visibility, which respect the right of the homeless to be opaque, while programs such as San Francisco’s Matrix plan are a coercive form of violence.


1916 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 689-705 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heinrich Lammasch

In the beginnings of international law, in Grotius and his predecessors and immediate successors, discussion of the Right of War, the jus ad bellum, takes up a great deal of room by the side of the Right in War, the jus in bello. Today, however, the question, When is war justified? has almost ceased to be discussed. The so-called predecessors of Grotius, like himself and his immediate followers, accepted from the Roman law the notion of the bellum justum piumque. This concept was purely formal. To make a war a bellum justum piumque nothing more was required than compliance with the precepts of the fetial law as to the formalities of declaring war. To be sure, these, at least originally, required a resolution of the Senate and its ratification by the Centuriate Comitia. Later, however, this requisite, to which one could perhaps not always deny some material significance, completely disappeared behind the empty ceremony which the Pater Patratus performed at the boundary of the enemy country with the “hasta ferrata aut sanguinea prœusta” hurled across the same. Nay, in the war with Pyrrhus, a deserter from the former’s army was allowed to buy a piece of ground in Rome, into which the spear was flung as into hostile territory, in order that the Pater Patratus might not have to go all the way to the frontier. On these formalities, which naturally became more and more futile, Roman historians based their country’s reputation of never having waged an unjust war. Still, the fetial law had at least the one advantage of giving the adversary a 33 days’ respite for deliberation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 120 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-235 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dana Kay Nelkin

Abstract On the one hand, there seem to be compelling parallels to moral responsibility, blameworthiness, and praiseworthiness in domains other than the moral. For example, we often praise people for their aesthetic and epistemic achievements and blame them for their failures. On the other hand, it has been argued that there is something special about the moral domain, so that at least one robust kind of responsibility can only be found there. In this paper, I argue that we can adopt a unifying framework for locating responsible agency across domains, thereby capturing and explaining more of our actual practices. The key, I argue, is to identify the right conditions for being morally accountable, which I take to be a matter of having an opportunity of a good enough quality to act well. With this account in hand, I argue that we can adopt a unifying framework that allows us to recognize parallels across domains, even as it points the way to important differences among them.


Africa ◽  
1955 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 252-260 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Middleton

Opening ParagraphIn this paper I consider some Lugbara notions about witches, ghosts, and other agents who bring sickness to human beings. I do not discuss the relationship of these notions, and the behaviour associated with them, to the social structure. The two aspects, ideological and structural, are intimately connected, but it is possible to discuss them separately: on the one hand, to present the ideology as a system consistent within itself and, on the other, to show the way in which it is part of the total social system. Here I attempt only the former.


Author(s):  
Darlene Costa da Silva ◽  
Maria Madalena de Aguiar Cavalcante

BELO MONTE HYDROELECTRIC: study of deterritorialization of families in the Babaquara Community – Altamira/PAHIDROELÉCTRICA BELO MONTE: estudio de la desterritorialización de familias en la Comunidad Babaquara – Altamira/PARESUMOA territorialização da hidrelétrica de Belo Monte provocou profundas transformações no modo de vida da população da comunidade Babaquara. Entretanto, constata-se que, contraditoriamente, apesar da mudança, há uma resistência em permanecer nas margens direita do rio Xingu, onde metade do seu território foi inundado pela água do reservatório. Sendo assim, tem-se no escopo deste artigo o intuito de analisar as transformações ocorridas na comunidade Babaquara a partir da territorialização da Hidrelétrica Belo Monte, identificando as transformações no modo de vida desta população. Os resultados apresentados foram coletados entre novembro de 2014 e novembro de 2016, período no qual foram entrevistadas 12 famílias, com visitas sistematizadas à comunidade e vivência junto às famílias que foram indenizadas pelo processo de compensação das condicionantes atribuídas ao Consórcio Construtor. Para atualização dos dados, uma nova expedição foi organizada em junho 2020. Além disso, foi realizada revisão de literatura para definição do recorte teórico-metodológico que considere a realidade de pesquisa. Tal circunstância tem modificado o modo de vida, o trabalho, a produção de alimentos e as relações sociais da população. As transformações socioeconômicas e ambientais trazem em sua gênese conflitos sociais e culturais em razão da sobreposição de grupos econômicos exógenos com interesses destoantes aos percebidos nas populações locais. Deste modo, parte-se da premissa que as transformações socioambientais transcendem os aspectos sociais, produtivos e econômicos, afetando a relação das famílias com o ambiente. Historicamente, as famílias estabeleceram relação com o rio, praticando a pesca, com a floresta, se beneficiando dos recursos naturais para desenvolver atividades de extrativismo, a produção de farinha, hortas e frutas nativas nos quintais às margens do rio Xingu.Palavras-chave: Belo Monte; População Tradicional; Modo de Vida; Babaquara. ABSTRACTThe territorialization of the Belo Monte hydroelectric plant caused profound changes in the way of life of the population of the Babaquara community. However, it appears that, contradictorily, despite the change, there is a resistance to remain on the right banks of the Xingu River, where half of its territory was flooded by water from the reservoir. Therefore, the scope of this article aims to analyze the changes that have occurred in the Babaquara community from the territorialization of the Belo Monte Hydroelectric Plant, identifying the changes in the lifestyle of this population. The results presented were collected between November 2014 and November 2016, during which 12 families were interviewed, with systematic visits to the community and experience with the families who were compensated for the process of compensating the conditions attributed to the Construtor Consortium. In order to update the data, a new expedition was organized in June 2020. In addition, a literature review was carried out to define the theoretical-methodological framework that considers the research reality. This circumstance has changed the way of life, work, food production and the social relationships of the population. Socioeconomic and environmental changes bring about social and cultural conflicts due to the overlapping of exogenous economic groups with interests that differ from those perceived by local populations. In this way, it is based on the premise that socio-environmental transformations transcend social, productive and economic aspects, affecting the relationship of families with the environment. Historically, families have established a relationship with the river, practicing fishing, with the forest, benefiting from natural resources to develop extractive activities, the production of flour, vegetable gardens and native fruits in backyards on the Xingu River.Keywords: Belo Monte; Traditional Population; Lifestyle; Babaquara.RESUMENLa territorialización de la central hidroeléctrica de Belo Monte provocó profundos cambios en la forma de vida de la población de la comunidad de Babaquara. Sin embargo, parece que, contradictoriamente, a pesar del cambio, existe una resistencia a permanecer en la margen derecha del río Xingú, donde la mitad de su territorio fue inundado por el agua del embalse. Por tanto, el alcance de este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar los cambios que se han producido en la comunidad de Babaquara a partir de la territorialización de la Central Hidroeléctrica de Belo Monte, identificando los cambios en el estilo de vida de esta población. Los resultados presentados fueron recolectados entre noviembre de 2014 y noviembre de 2016, durante los cuales se entrevistaron a 12 familias, con visitas sistemáticas a la comunidad y experiencia con las familias que fueron compensadas por el proceso de compensación de las condiciones atribuidas al Consorcio Constructor. Con el fin de actualizar los datos, se organizó una nueva expedición en junio de 2020. Además, se realizó una revisión de la literatura para definir el marco teórico-metodológico que considera la realidad de la investigación. Esta circunstancia ha cambiado la forma de vida, el trabajo, la producción de alimentos y las relaciones sociales de la población. Los cambios socioeconómicos y ambientales generan conflictos sociales y culturales debido a la superposición de grupos económicos exógenos con intereses diferentes a los percibidos por las poblaciones locales. De esta manera, se parte de la premisa de que las transformaciones socioambientales trascienden los aspectos sociales, productivos y económicos, afectando la relación de las familias con el medio ambiente. Históricamente, las familias han establecido una relación con el río, practicando la pesca, con el bosque beneficiándose de los recursos naturales para desarrollar actividades extractivas, la producción de harina, huertas y frutos nativos en los patios.Palabras clave: Belo Monte; Población Tradicional; Modo de Vida; Babaquara.


2020 ◽  
pp. 23-36
Author(s):  
Tomasz Gałkowski

The author of the study deliberates whether the right to contraception can be described as a human right. He makes his speculations on the basis of a broader context of reflections concerning the relationship of human rights with the natural law, to which the former ones refer. The point of reference is recognizing the right as a good which co-creates a man. Contraception is not such a good since it is not an ontological value, that is, the one which does not entail anti-values.


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