scholarly journals The incandescent light bulb phase-out: exploring patterns of framing the governance of discontinuing a socio-technical regime

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Stegmaier ◽  
Vincent R. Visser ◽  
Stefan Kuhlmann

Abstract Research interest This paper aims at a better understanding of the governance of the abandonment of socio-technical regimes through the example of the incandescent light bulb phase-out in the European Union and in the Netherlands as one specific case where the EU discontinuation policy has been implemented. In particular, with this paper we focus on the active and intended discontinuation of a socio-technical regime through dedicated governance. Methods We approached the phase-out of the incandescent light bulb from a qualitative perspective and analysed about 230 documents from the EU and Dutch level. The study has an explorative character, for we cannot claim to describe the entire policy process, but bring to surface some key issues in order to outline both governance foci and technicalities of governing the phase-out. We looked into how governance makers were actually structuring the ILB phase-out as a governance task. The specific framings we found were grouped into the (a) spectrum of governance dimensions, (b) the more detailed problem-types raised, and (c) the array of discontinuation issues addressed in policy discourse dedicated to negotiating, drafting and implementing the phase-out measures. Results A set of frames apparent in the discontinuation discourses in the EU and the Netherlands has been reconstructed, which entails the five governance dimensions ‘policy instruments’, ‘implementation’, ‘strictness’, ‘monitoring’, and ‘policy level’. Technical details of both the socio-technical products to be banned and the replacing products have been the subject of meticulous negotiations in order to be able to implement the big picture, the lightbulb ban, appropriately and appropriately for both industry and environmental associations. The design of discontinuation governance at national and EU level are closely intertwined, but not identical in all aspects. The complexity of the governance task is therefore high. Conclusions Discontinuation has to cope with some resistance to dedicated, forced change that takes place in a technically as well as socially highly complex context. Governing the phase-out of a technical device, a production infrastructure, and industry support policy once supposed to support the EU and Dutch ILB industry was a major techno-political challenge, where policymakers needed to grasp key technical and technological problems. These were related to ILBs as objects, to subjects such as engineers and scientists, lobbyists and disinterested experts, to civil society organisations and mass media, along with all sorts of political and administrative issues and discourses. The challenges are threefold: first, translating for each other what cannot be known from one’s own background, second, shutting down governance which so far fostered lighting industry and, third, helping to change parts of this industry from an old, incumbent one to a new, emerging socio-technical regime with a regime providing a political and regulatory framework for it.

2013 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 394-399
Author(s):  
Pieter Emmer

In spite of the fact that negotiations have been going on for years, the chances that Turkey will eventually become a full member of the European Union are slim. At present, a political majority among the EU-member states headed by Germany seems to oppose Turkey entering the EU. In the Netherlands, however, most political parties are still in favour of Turkey's membership. That difference coincides with the difference in the position of Turkish immigrants in German and Dutch societies.


Author(s):  
Gosia Klatt ◽  
Marcella Milana

This paper considers the changing modes of governance of education policy in the European Union (EU) and Australia through a lens of ‘soft governance’. It considers the increased use of ‘policy instruments’ such as benchmarking, targets, monitoring, data-generation in policy-making in recent decades. It considers the roles these policy instruments play in coordinating education policy in the EU and Australia as well as their intended and unintended consequences. It shows that in the EU, these instruments played a role in strengthening the coordination through the links between individuals and programs, and networking, which is seen as resulting in enhanced creativity in policy solutions, development of new norms and new means for achieving policy goals. While in Australia it seems that the role of these instruments is focused on consolidating the role of the Commonwealth’s oversight and control over what constitutionally is a responsibility of States which adds to several policy tensions already existing in the federal coordination of education.


2014 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 286-292 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alberto Alemanno

At a time of increasing recognition worldwide of the role of Chief Science Advisers as of critical importance in improving dialogue between science and policy, the European Union, notably the European Commission, is currently considering – under the pressure of civil society organisations – whether to maintain or scrap this recently–created position. After contextualizing this debate within the broader efforts undertaken by the Barroso Commission to strengthen science in EU policymaking, this article discusses what role, if any, a Chief Scientist may play within the EU systemof scientific advice. After denouncing the lack of a public debate about the merits of this post at the time of its creation, the article takes as a point of departure the criticisms made against this position and assesses them in the light of the mandate entrusted to the Chief Scientist Advisor. It argues that the major point of disagreement on this post revolves around the question of whether the Chief Scientist Advisor, as it currently stands, helps or hinders the EU incorporating the ‘best science’ into policy. After identifying the flaws of the actual mandate and the challenges faced by the first holder of the position, it argues that the burden of proof rests with the EU Commission to prove the merits, and more specifically, the rationale for having yet another source of scientific advice in the EU.


2019 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-49
Author(s):  
Maja Kovacevic

The European Union (EU) is a unique player in the Western Balkans, where it has employed a wide array of foreign policy instruments since the 1990s such as diplomacy, trade, financial assistance, civilian missions, military missions, and enlargement, which is the EU?s most successful foreign policy tool. The region is an inspiring case for studying the EU?s transformative power. The undeniable success of the EU?s Enlargement Policy in influencing transitions of Central and Eastern Europe countries has inspired research of the Europeanization, or the EU?s transformative power in relation to candidate countries, and its impact on their political and economic reforms during the accession process. Since then, the EU?s global transformative power has been in crisis. The European Neighbourhood Policy was reviewed in 2015, aiming not any more towards the transformation of neighbouring states, but rather at fostering their resilience. Similarly, the 2016 Global Strategy for the European Union?s Foreign and Security Policy set the principled pragmatism as a guideline. Moreover, the EU?s transformative power towards member states is questioned after two initiatives to trigger Article 7 TEU procedures against Poland and Hungary. What about the Europeanization of the Western Balkans? Despite the fact that the EU has been the main driver of change, the Europeanization of this post-conflict region has been slow. According to Freedom House, after substantial progress from 2004 to 2010, the Western Balkans has declined six years in a row, and its average Democracy Score in 2016 is the same as it was in 2004. With the exception of Albania, the scores of all countries are declining, not improving. The EU?s security-democratisation dilemma strongly affects its transformative power in the Western Balkans. By prioritising effective government rather than democratic governance, the EU has helped stabilise non-democratic and corrupt regimes rather than transforming them, legitimising Balkan "stabilitocrats".


2020 ◽  
Vol 74 (4) ◽  
pp. 47-59
Author(s):  
AGNIESZKA KOMOR ◽  
BARBARA BUJANOWICZ-HARAŚ

The aim of the study was to identify and assess the spatial diversity of generating of animal and vegetal waste by entities from the agricultural sector in the EU countries along with the determination of the importance of this type of waste in total waste generated in individual countries. Statistical data used in the study were obtained from EUROSTAT. The research period was 2016, while the research area covered 25 EU countries. The data was subjected to quantitative analysis using descriptive and parametric statistics. It was found that animal and vegetal waste has the largest share in the structure of waste from the agricultural sector (accounting for 81.6% of all waste in the agricultural sector in the EU in 2016). It has been shown that generating of vegetal and animal waste in agricultural sector in the EU countries is characterized by spatial diversity. Most of this waste type was generated in Spain and the Netherlands. The dominant position of Spain resulted from significant share of this country in the EU volume of animal faeces, urine and manure generation. High position of the Netherlands was associated with a large share of vegetal waste. France, Germany, Slovakia and Sweden ranked next. Nearly 80% of all analyzed groups of waste came from these countries, which indicates a high degree of spatial concentration of the studied phenomenon. In this context, it can be stated that these countries are predestined to base their development on the concept of the bioeconomy. It is a challenge for the research and development sphere regarding development of innovative ways of managing agricultural vegetal and animal waste.


2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 503-507
Author(s):  
Petya Hristova

The importance and benefits of volunteering have long been acknowledged in the European Union. Volunteering activities contribute to strengthening some of the fundamental European values, such as solidarity and connecting with the community. It helps individuals to play a significant role in creating a more democratic, caring and responsible society. Today almost 100 million citizens of all ages make a positive contribution in the EU through an active involvement in volunteering activities in a wide range of organisations including civil society organisations, youth clubs, hospitals, schools, sport clubs and many others. Bulgaria is one of the newest members of the EU (since 2007) and is still adopting and trying to keep up with the good practices and values in the European countries. Being the biggest and oldest in Bulgaria, Sofia University educates young people from all over the country. One of the main targets of their education is to prepare them to be active, valuable and responsible citizens of the Bulgarian society as well as of the European community. The article highlights the importance of volunteering as a way to create more democratic, caring and responsible society as well as what personal benefits come with it. It also emphasizes the significance of volunteering in sport events as a way for introducing the importance of regular physical exercise for humans’ health. The article shows the results from a study aimed at exploring the experience of Sofia University’ students in volunteering, their motives to stay or become a volunteer as well as their will to volunteer in sport events. Participants were 250 university students in different years of their bachelor studies in a variety of subjects. All of them enlisted in different sport classes for the 2017-2018 academic year. For the purposes of the study has been used the Descriptive - explicative method. The results show that young people do not have much experience in volunteering and are not very well educated about all possibilities that it offers today. The author gives some recommendations for the promotion of volunteering among young people. The University could/should establish courses, where students can learn about volunteering in general and volunteering in sport. There could be motivational engines created, which will make students to be more active in volunteering. The University’s Authorities could find and provide the legal background for volunteering in its Regulations. University could make regular calls for volunteers for all of its annual events (conferences, university’s sport championships, projects and charity events). The author suggests that an additional research should be made to identify the type of events young people are interested in, in order to attract them to become volunteers as well as what are the negative sides they find in volunteering.


2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 615-635 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. De Santis ◽  
C. Jona Lasinio

In this paper we test the narrow Porter hypothesis on a sample of European economies in the period 1995–2008. We focus on the channels through which tighter environmental regulation affect productivity and innovation. Our findings suggest that the “narrow” Porter Hypothesis cannot be rejected and that the choice of policy instruments is not neutral. In particular, market based environmental stringency measures seem to be the most suitable to stimulate innovations and productivity growth. Consistently with the strategic reorientation of environmental policies in the European Union since the end of the eighties, our results indicate that the EU might privilege the market based instruments in order to meet more effectively the 2030 targets, especially through the channels of innovation and productivity enhancement.


2015 ◽  
pp. 96-121
Author(s):  
Justyna Miecznikowska

The purpose of the analysis is to demonstrate, in the historical perspective covering the period between 2000 and 2014, the series of modernisation efforts, undertaken within the European Union, which aimed at increasing the rationality of economic and social processes occurring in the single European market. The assumption was that a thorough examination of the current process of EU reforms would allow for the identification of sources of the modernisation crisis. The adopted research hypothesis assumes that the present modernisation crisis is a consequence of the weakness of European governance and insufficient adaptation of the EU policy instruments to the constantly changing political and economic challenges, such as globalisation, territorial expansion and the global financial crisis. Effective modernisation of the European Union is hindered by the manner of implementation of EU’s tasks and objectives at the national level (based on the open method of coordination) and challenged by the interstate competition escalating within the EU in times of economic downturn and arising from the divergent interpretations of national interests. The present modernisation crisis manifests itself in the failure to comply with the adopted economic and social development strategies and the threat of regressive changes.


Author(s):  
Anne O. Krueger

How was the EU formed? The European Union (EU) started out as the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) with six member nations (Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, and the Netherlands). The underlying motive for forming the ESC and for subsequent economic integration was...


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