The EU and Brexit

Author(s):  
Anne O. Krueger

How was the EU formed? The European Union (EU) started out as the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) with six member nations (Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, and the Netherlands). The underlying motive for forming the ESC and for subsequent economic integration was...

2013 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 394-399
Author(s):  
Pieter Emmer

In spite of the fact that negotiations have been going on for years, the chances that Turkey will eventually become a full member of the European Union are slim. At present, a political majority among the EU-member states headed by Germany seems to oppose Turkey entering the EU. In the Netherlands, however, most political parties are still in favour of Turkey's membership. That difference coincides with the difference in the position of Turkish immigrants in German and Dutch societies.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 208-222
Author(s):  
Heidi Stockhaus

The new free trade agreement with the European Union will bring Vietnam’s economic integration to a new level once it enters into force. In the past, the associated economic growth has led to environmental deterioration due to inappropriate regulations and poor enforcement. Currently, environmental problems are visible everywhere and attract the attention of citizens as well as lawmakers. The new free trade agreement establishes a framework for sustainable development in the context of trade and investment. The relevant provisions aim to maintain Vietnam’s right to regulate for the targeted protection level, require the country to take measures to mitigate the pressure on the environment, and open the door for cooperation with the European Union. However, it remains to be seen, whether these provisions balance the risks associated with the increase in trade and investment through the free trade agreement.


Ekonomika ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 94 (2) ◽  
pp. 47-72
Author(s):  
Ganna Kharlamova

The paper deals with the European Union programme devoted to the eastern neighboring states. Through its European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), the EU works with its southern and eastern neighbours to achieve the closest possible political association and the greatest possible degree of economic integration. This goal builds on common interests and values — democracy, the rule of law, respect for human rights, and social cohesion. The EU is concerned that, despite sufficient funding and support from the EU, the targeted states did not raise to the EU targets for the programme or at least to a relevant one. We assume that such fact happened mostly because, although having very diverse economic and reform pasts emerged from the post-soviet period, they were considered and approached as a single group. The main hypothesis: has the umbrella of the EU funds in terms of the EaP provided for the six targeted states to intensify the growth of regional interdependencies as well as political cooperation and progressive economic integration? The main goal of the paper is to assess, by means of the statistical and comparison approach, the development and the economic sustainability of six targeted states (Belarus, Moldova, Ukraine, Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia) in the period before and after the programme launching – the degree of regional interdependence and economic integration. The research was conducted using the methods of empirical (regression) analysis, theoretical explanations, descriptive analysis, and the Granger causality test.


2013 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arjan D. Uilenreef

Summary Embassies of the Netherlands within the European Union operate in another political and diplomatic environment than Dutch embassies in other parts of the world. There is a lack of comprehensive studies on the change dynamics of bilateral diplomacy within the EU. This article aims to contribute to the study of intra-EU diplomacy by looking at one of the key tasks of embassies abroad, namely reporting back to the capital. An analysis of the addressees, the type of reporting, and the interlocutors of embassy staff across Europe, reveals characteristics of the work of representations in a ‘post-Westphalian’ order. The results show that the diplomatic environment of Dutch bilateral embassies within the European Union does in several important ways indeed differ from that of Dutch embassies outside the Union.


2012 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 365-375 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arjen Van Witteloostuijn

The European Union (EU) has suffered from fall-out recently. Clear cases in point were the anti-EU outcomes of the referenda in France and the Netherlands, as well as the messy process in response to the Euro crisis. More broadly, recent elections in many European countries have resulted in winning parties that advertise an explicit anti-EU sentiment, often linked to an equally explicit anti-immigrant stance. Apparently, in the eyes of many, the EU is not delivering – quite to the contrary. In this essay, insights from a variety of social sciences will be reviewed that may shed light on this issue, with a focus on the role of a multidimensional conception of diversity.


Politeja ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (3(66)) ◽  
pp. 67-77
Author(s):  
Marta Labuda

The Ukrainian Crisis as a Challenge for Development of Economic Relations between Ukraine and European Union The present article is an attempt to look at European economic integration in terms of the Ukrainian crisis that not only Ukraine, but the entire area of Eastern Europe and the European Union must deal with. The purpose of the research is to demonstrate the impact of the Ukrainian crisis on economic integration of Ukraine with the EU. The research has been based on a mixed methodology due to the interdisciplinary subject of the article. The sequential exploratory strategy has been used. The research proves the Ukrainian crisis contributes to the trade exchange instability and causes disruptions in capital cooperation between the EU and Ukraine. The serious crisis shows how important a solid policy is to integrate this country with the EU.


Author(s):  
John Erik Fossum

Norway has applied for membership of the European Union (EU) four times but is not a member. The two first applications were aborted because of de Gaulle’s veto against the U.K.’s application. The two latter were turned down by Norwegian citizens in popular referenda (1972 and 1994). Why did a majority of Norwegian citizens reject EU membership? A survey of the literature identifies a range of historical, cultural, political, and socioeconomic factors. In addition, it cannot be discounted that there were specific features about the referendums and the referendum campaigns that help account for the decisions to reject EU membership, given that all Nordic states except Iceland have held EU membership referendums. Nevertheless, despite the fact that Norway is not an EU member, it has opted for as close an EU association as is possible for a nonmember. In order to understand Norway’s EU relationship, the following paradox must be addressed: whereas the question of EU membership has long been a highly controversial and divisive issue, Norway’s comprehensive incorporation in the EU through the EEA Agreement and a whole host of other arrangements has profound constitutional democratic implications and yet has sparked surprisingly little controversy. What then are the distinctive features of the “Norway model,” in other words, Norway’s EU affiliation? In order to clarify this, it is necessary to compare and contrast Norway’s affiliation with other relevant types of affiliation that nonmembers have to the EU. Thereafter, the distinctive features of Norway’s EU affiliation can be outlined: the internal market through the EEA Agreement; justice and home affairs through the Schengen and Dublin conventions; as well as defense cooperation and the institutional apparatus regulating Norway’s relationship with the EU. A distinctive feature of the Norway model is its comprehensiveness: Norway’s various EU affiliations amount to it incorporating roughly 75% of all EU laws and regulations. What are the domestic mechanisms and arrangements that enable Norway to adapt so closely to the EU when the EU membership issue continues to be so controversial? There is public support for the present arrangement, but how robust and resilient that is can be questioned. The arrangement depends on specific mechanisms that ensure that Norway’s EU affiliation remains depoliticized. In explicating these mechanisms, a clearer conception emerges of how Norway balances the challenges associated with global economic integration, national sovereignty, and democracy.


2014 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-45
Author(s):  
Janina Witkowska

The institutional model used in the integration process between the European Union (EU) and Turkey was that of establishment of a customs union under an Association Agreement. In the context of the difficulties that have occurred in the membership negotiations between the EU and Turkey, the question arises whether real economic integration between them has gone further than that achieved at the stage of a customs union. Free movement of capital, constituting one of the so-called four fundamental freedoms within the single European market, is the subject of examination in this paper. The obligations of Turkey, as an EU candidate country, in the field of free movement of capital are more demanding under the EU scheme of liberalization of capital flows than within the OECD, which is regulated by the Code of Liberalisation of Capital Movements and the Code of Liberalisation of Current Invisible Operations. Real economic integration between the EU and Turkey requires further liberalization of the free movement of capital. While Turkey encourages the inflow foreign direct investment using a generous package of incentives, the role of FDI in its economy still remains moderate.


2016 ◽  
Vol 61 (8) ◽  
pp. 64-78
Author(s):  
Jerzy Baruk

This article discusses innovativeness of enterprises functioning in the European Union based on the following measures: popularity of introducing innovation; the effects of introduced innovations; the commonness of conducting research and development activities; public support for introducing innovations. In this publication the statistical-comparative analysis of the results of empirical researches conducted by TNS Political&Social is made. This analysis showed that the following countries: Croatia, Malta, Portugal, United Kingdom and Italy were characterized by a relatively high share of companies implementing the various types of innovations. The opposite were: Estonia, the Netherlands, Lithuania, Sweden and Hungary. The turnover achieved from implemented innovations were at the level of 1% to 25%. Finland, the Netherlands and Denmark distinguished in commonness of R&D realizing.


2003 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ray Hudson

Historically, capitalism developed territorially specific forms in Europe. The project of the European Union can be seen as one that seeks to erode this specificity. There is evidence of a tendency towards regulatory convergence but also of counter-tendencies, partly a product of the contradictory character of EU expansion and deepening economic integration. The end product has been a multiscalar system of governance and regulation, conjoining the EU, national and sub-national scales. There is also some evidence of convergence in national economic structures and performance. However, there is no evidence of convergence in economic performance and structures at sub-national levels. The legacies of past uneven development, allied to the effects of intensified market competition as companies seek to exploit differences between places, have produced new forms of uneven development.


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