Shaping the Future on Haida Gwaii: Life beyond Settler Colonialism

Ethnohistory ◽  
2022 ◽  
Vol 69 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-128
Colin M. Osmond
2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 127-130
Judith B. Cohen

Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz's, An Indigenous Peoples' History Of The United States, confronts the reality of settler-colonialism and genocide as foundational to the United States. It reconstructs and reframes the consensual narrative from the Native Indian perspective while exposing indoctrinated myths and stereotypes. This masterful and riveting journey provides truth and paths towards the future progress for all peoples. It is a must read and belongs in every classroom, home, library, and canon of genocide studies.

2019 ◽  
pp. 139-174
Mary L. Mullen

This chapter demonstrates how Charles Dickens’s novels embrace ‘reactionary reform’: a vision of the future that is actually a return to an anachronistic past. Reactionary reform restores origins that institutions erase in their drive towards futurity, whether those origins are Sissy Jupe’s life with her father in Hard Times, Esther Summerson’s parentage in Bleak House or the humble home that Pip mistakenly disavows in Great Expectations. Reactivating origins allows a different stance towards institutions: instead of settling down and accepting their established rhythms, characters inhabit institutions, dwelling temporarily in them without acceding to their terms. But Dickens’s vision of reform does not extend to everyone. He reinforces settler colonialism by representing particular groups of people as outside of history and futurity altogether. Validating anachronisms and criticising them in turn, Dickens imagines progressive change that rejects modern institutionalism but, in the process, shores up the racialised abstractions upon which settler colonial institutions depend.

2020 ◽  
pp. 251484862090819
Sophia C Stamatopoulou-Robbins

Drawing on fieldwork in the West Bank (2007–2016) with engineers building sewage infrastructures for the would-be Palestinian state, I make a three-pronged argument. First, I argue that “failure to build” is its own thick, disorienting, and molasses-like condition. It is also “choppy”: it has a disjointed, jerky, quality that is inconstant and unsettling as if one is at sea without a lifeboat. It is limited neither to short-term, tactical governance—a governmentality looking to survive in the short term—nor to strategically planning for the future. It combines the durability of the temporary with the fragility of the future. Second, I propose that the failure-to-build temporality is structured by and structures the intersection of two phenomena: nonsovereignty, for example but not only in settler colonialism or war, and particular environmentalist logics. Failure to build takes on its moral valence from the way those who rule Palestinian life—Israel, international donors, and the Palestinian Authority—determine the environmental standards for Palestinian infrastructures. For these actors, the environment is a singular entity “shared” across political borders. It requires expertise Palestinians are repeatedly suspected of lacking, partly because they lack a state and experience running their own infrastructures. Failure to build thus works circularly in relation to nonsovereignty. The more nonsovereign communities “fail to build,” the more those who govern them can claim the right to control what and how they build. Third, I argue that waste infrastructures such as landfills, incinerators, and sewage treatment plants are particularly susceptible to a failure-to-build temporality because of their association with environmental harm.

2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-57 ◽  
Freddy Foks

AbstractFunctionalist anthropology has a contested legacy. Some scholars have praised functionalism as a contributor to the relativizing of civilizations and cultures while others have criticized it as a colonial science smoothing the interwar workings of indirect rule. This article argues that the colonial politics of functionalist anthropology can only be understood against the background of resurgent settler colonialism in British East Africa. Supporters of indirect rule increasingly relied on a language of scientific administration and welfarist policies associated with the League of Nations to bolster their position against the settlers in the 1920s and 1930s. Functionalism offered them some means of support on this count. The functionalists, meanwhile, co-opted the language of indirect rule to pursue their own intra-disciplinary ends. This combination of interests was pragmatic and flexible rather than ossified and ideological, marked more by what both opposed (settler colonialism) than a shared ideal towards which they aspired (indirect rule). Anthropologists and colonial administrators possessed very different ideas of indirect rule, with strikingly different implications for the future of Britain's African Empire.

2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
Joseph Weiss

This article explores the afterlife of a military base on the islands of Haida Gwaii, unceded territory of the Indigenous Haida Nation. Canadian Forces Station Masset was officially decommissioned in 1997, its buildings abandoned by Canada’s armed forces. The understanding of both Haida and their settler neighbors was thus that the army was gone, leaving only ruins and ambivalent affects in its wake. Yet the military had not actually left; rather, it remained in concealment, continuing to monitor the territory it had occupied. At work in this strange juxtaposition of absence and presence, I argue, is the deliberate production of a paradox, a constitutive contradiction that serves to reinforce the structures of settler domination even as it mitigates the visible presence of the forces of occupation. The affects of ruination engendered by the military’s departure, I contend, form part of these processes of settler concealment and deception.

2013 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-128 ◽  
Jean Dennison

The writers of the 2006 Osage Constitution had to work against processes of settler colonialism which attempt to deny Indigenous peoples a political future. The Constitution provides a foundation, but much work still remains in order to build a strong Osage Nation that can truly serve its people. This paper uses the metaphor of Osage ribbon work to envision such a future for Osage governance, moving away from the binaries that underwrite colonialism. Ribbon work reminds us that it is possible to create new and powerful forms out of an ongoing colonial process. In picking up the fabric both torn apart and created through the colonial process and stitching it into new patterns, Osage people must form the tangled ribbons of colonialism into unique structures that can serve Osage needs, artfully weaving the 2006 Constitution into something that can act, not as a pure alternative to modernity, but as something truly possible in this moment of colonial entanglement. In viewing the future potential of Osage governance as a purposeful process of cutting, folding, and stitching together, it is possible to speak to the challenges of this colonial moment without again denying the agency of Indigenous political formations.

2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 49-71
Joseph Whitson

Through an analysis of three interpreted mines in northeastern Minnesota, this article illuminates how the region’s public history is complicit in the ongoing process of settler colonialism. Largely controlled by iron mining interests, the region’s public history and tourism industry is deeply invested in the future of mineral extraction, representing mining and white-ethnic mining culture as natural and indigenous to the landscape. This narrative erases Ojibwe presence in the region, ignoring both the role mining played in past environmental injustices as well as how it continues to threaten Ojibwe political and resource sovereignty.

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 1242-1269
Shaira Vadasaria ◽  

The unresolved question of Palestinian displacement raises important considerations in a settler colonial era of reparations. One line of inquiry that remains relevant for thinking about the future of redress to Palestinian displacement is the following: How did an Indigenous Palestinian society with historical ties to land come to be governed as refugees external to the land? Examining a set of progress reports issued by Count Folke Bernadotte – the first UN appointed Mediator on Palestine – this paper considers how a land-based reparative justice question became folded into a humanitarian structure, which has now stretched the course of seven decades. Centering the struggle for return as a site of ontological contestation, I consider how we might read these key decisions made between 1948–1951 around redress and the emergence of humanitarian governance as part of, and within a wider genealogy of race and settler colonialism in Palestine. La cuestión irresoluta del desplazamiento palestino plantea importantes consideraciones en una era de reparaciones del colonialismo de asentamiento. Una de las líneas de investigación que continúa siendo relevante para reflexionar sobre el futuro de la resolución del desplazamiento palestino es la siguiente: ¿Cómo llegó la sociedad indígena palestina, con lazos históricos con la tierra, a ser considerada y gobernada como sociedad refugiada ajena a la tierra? Haciendo un repaso de unos informes de progreso escritos por el conde Folke Bernadotte, primer Mediador para Palestina de las Naciones Unidas, este artículo reflexiona sobre cómo una cuestión de justicia reparadora basada en la tierra quedó incorporada en una estructura humanitaria, la cual tiene ya siete décadas de existencia. Centrando la lucha por el retorno como sitio de contestación ontológica, planteo cómo se pueden leer esas decisiones clave tomadas entre 1948 y 1951 acerca de la reparación y la emergencia de la gobernanza humanitaria como parte de, y dentro de una genealogía más amplia de raza y colonialismo de asentamiento en Palestina.

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