The Use of Section 136 of the Mental Health Act 1983 in a Family of Rural English Police Forces

2003 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Neil Greenberg ◽  
Niki Haines

Section 136 of the Mental Health Act 1983 is used by police officers to detain persons who they feel might be suffering with mental disorder until a formal Mental Health Act assessment can be undertaken. Previous studies have shown that the outcomes of these assessments result in remarkably different rates of subsequent hospital admissions. Within a rural setting it has also been shown that the rate of use of Section 136 varies considerably. This study examines the use of Section 136 within a family of eight police forces that have been matched to ensure that they cover similar populations. The results show that there are considerable variations in the use of Section 136, with the Devon and Cornwall region using the section over two and a half times the mean for the group. Possible reasons for this discrepancy are discussed.

Author(s):  
Linus Wittmann ◽  
Gunter Groen ◽  
Janusz Ogorka ◽  
Astrid Jörns-Presentati

AbstractEncounters between individuals with a mental disorder and police forces can be harmful and dangerous for both parties involved. Previous research explored mostly police officers’ subjective experience of these encounters and focused on their recommendations. The present study takes the perspective of individuals with a mental disorder and investigates their subjective experience of dealing with the police. Thirteen semi-structural interviews were conducted with individuals with a history of mental health problems who have had encounters with the police and experienced contact-based anti-stigmatization interventions as consultants. Interviews revolved around the subjective experience of these police encounters. Questionnaires were used to inquire about context factors, individuals’ perceptions of police officers, and their sense of security during these encounters. Furthermore, individuals were asked to rate police officers’ ability to recognize signs and symptoms of ill mental health and give recommendations in regard to adequate communication strategies, interventions, and police training. The results indicate that encounters were experienced predominantly as positive and non-threatening. Participants emphasized the importance of communication strategies with a focus on empathy and respect. Keeping personal space and satisfying basic needs was recommended. Contact-based anti-stigmatization interventions were regarded as an effective approach to reduce stigma. Empathy and respect are perceived as key strategies for police officers when dealing with individuals with a mental disorder. To promote these strategies, trialogical anti-stigmatization interventions and crisis intervention training, including communication skills and face-to-face contact, are promising approaches.


Crime Science ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
James Hunter ◽  
Bethany Ward ◽  
Andromachi Tseloni ◽  
Ken Pease

AbstractExpected crime rates that enable police forces to contrast recorded and anticipated spatial patterns of crime victimisation offer a valuable tool in evaluating the under-reporting of crime and inform/guide crime reduction initiatives. Prior to this study, police forces had no access to expected burglary maps at the neighbourhood level covering all parts of England and Wales. Drawing on analysis of the Crime Survey for England and Wales and employing a population terrain modelling approach, this paper utilises household and area characteristics to predict the mean residential burglary incidences per 1000 population across all neighbourhoods in England and Wales. The analysis identifies distinct differences in recorded and expected neighbourhood burglary incidences at the Output Area level, providing a catalyst for stimulating further reflection by police officers and crime analysts.


2019 ◽  
Vol 215 (5) ◽  
pp. 633-635
Author(s):  
Sheila Hollins ◽  
Keri-Michèle Lodge ◽  
Paul Lomax

SummaryIntellectual disability (also known as learning disability in UK health services) and autism are distinct from the serious mental illnesses for which the Mental Health Act is designed to be used. Their inclusion in the definition of mental disorder is discriminatory, resulting in unjust deprivations of liberty. Intellectual disability and autism should be excluded from the Mental Health Act.Declaration of interestNone.


2015 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 133-143
Author(s):  
James Watson ◽  
Stephanie Daley

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to determine the incidence of the use of section 135(1) of the Mental Health Act 1983 in a London borough and describe the main features of the population subject to that section. Design/methodology/approach – Uses of section 135(1), hospital stay, and demographic data were gathered from service and patient records over one year. Means, medians, modes and standard deviation were calculated for interval data. Nominal data were cross-tabulated and the chi square test applied where appropriate. Study data were compared to census and national hospital data; the significance of proportional population differences were calculated using the Z-test. Findings – In total, 63 uses of section 135(1) were recorded. It was primarily used with people with psychotic diagnoses (79 per cent), and was used predominantly in black populations, and among people aged 40-54. People admitted to hospital after section 135(1) use who had psychosis diagnoses had median spells in hospital that were double the corresponding national median. Research limitations/implications – Total uses of section 135(1) in the borough equated to 25 per cent of the national total for all section 135 admissions recorded in 2012/2013. Hospital statistics in England focusing on admissions alone may fail to reflect a more widespread use of this section. Further research is required to confirm and develop the findings of this small scale study. Practical implications – The repeated use of this section is suggested as a marker for reviewing practice and resource allocation to prevent or shorten hospital admissions for people with psychosis diagnoses. Originality/value – This paper highlights gaps in NHS data collection in England relevant to policy makers, mental health service providers, and the police service.


2015 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 1405
Author(s):  
A. Awe ◽  
N. Lathif ◽  
P. Natrajan ◽  
M. Jones ◽  
S. Wimpenny

2010 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 161-167 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tim Branton ◽  
Guy Brookes

SummaryThis article deals with the provisions for the lawful detention and compulsory treatment of patients in England and Wales. The 2007 amendments to the Mental Health Act 1983 redefine ‘mental disorder’ and ‘medical treatment’ and remove the classifications required for longer-term detention, abolishing the so-called ‘treatability test’ and introducing a new appropriate-treatment test. ‘Learning disability’ is brought within the definition of mental disorder but only if ‘associated with abnormally aggressive or seriously irresponsible conduct’. The exclusion for promiscuity, other immoral conduct or sexual deviancy is repealed; the exclusion for dependence on alcohol and drugs is retained. The revised definition of ‘medical treatment’ includes psychological treatment and removes the requirement that treatment is under medical supervision. The basic structure of the 1983 Act is retained. Use of the powers is discretionary. The principles of the Mental Capacity Act 2005 are imported into the decision-making framework through the wording of the Mental Health ActCode of Practice.


2015 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-18
Author(s):  
B. Masood ◽  
S. O’Ceallaigh ◽  
T. Thekiso ◽  
M. Nichol ◽  
P. Kowalska-Beda ◽  
...  

BackgroundFew studies have described clinical characteristics of patients subject to an involuntary detention in an Irish context. The Irish Mental Health Act 2001 makes provision under Section 23(1), whereby a person who has voluntary admission status can be detained.AimsThis study aimed to describe all involuntary admissions to St Patrick’s University Hospital (SPUH) (2011–2013) and to evaluate clinical characteristics of voluntary patients who underwent Mental Health Act assessment during 2011 to determine differences in those who had involuntary admission orders completed and those who did not.MethodsAll uses of Mental Health Act 2001 within SPUH 2011–2013 were identified. All uses of Section 23(1) during 2011 were reviewed and relevant documents/case-notes examined using a pro forma covering clinical data, factors recognized to influence involuntary admissions and validated scales were used to determine diagnoses, insight, suicide and violence risk.ResultsOver 2011–2013, 2.5–3.8% of all admissions were involuntary with more detained after use of Section 23(1) than Section 14(2). The majority of initiations of Section 23(1) did not result in an involuntary admission (72%), occurred out of hours (52%) and many occurred early after admission (<1 week, 43%). Initiation of Section 23(1) by a consultant psychiatrist (p=0.001), suicide risk (p=0.03) and lack of patient insight into treatment (p=0.007) predicted conversion to involuntary admission.ConclusionThis study predicts a role for patient insight, suicide risk and consultant psychiatrist decision making in the initiation of Mental Health Act assessment of voluntary patients. Further data describing the involuntary admissions process in an Irish setting are needed.


Author(s):  
Mark Mullins

<p>In its final report the Expert Committee on reform of the Mental Health Act 1983 chaired by Professor Genevra Richardson proposed a new Mental Disorder Tribunal. This tribunal would have fundamentally different functions, composition, procedure and powers to the present Mental Health Review Tribunals (MHRTs). The Committee’s objective was not merely to repair the failings of the present MHRT system but to replace it with a new structure promoting the principles of patient autonomy and non-discrimination. Reading the Committee report and the Government’s Green Paper proposals in response together it soon becomes clear that the Government has rejected the recommendation that the new mental health law should be based on principles of autonomy and nondiscrimination. In their place the Green Paper puts “safety” and “risk”. While it will incorporate safeguards to ensure compliance with the Human Rights Act 1998, the “dual aims” of the new Mental Health Act are to be to ensure the health and safety of patients and safety of the public. Whereas the Committee saw the new tribunal as an active guarantor and promoter of individual rights the Green Paper recasts it as a body preoccupied with risk and safety, stating as a fundamental “principle” that: “Issues relating to the safety of the individual patient and of the public are of key importance in determining the question of whether compulsory powers should be imposed”</p>


1981 ◽  
Vol 5 (11) ◽  
pp. 207-209
Author(s):  
Paul Bowden

In anticipating the consultative paper A Review of the Mental Health Act, 1959 the College's Public Policy Committee prepared a report in 1974 (News and Notes, October, November 1974). The second of six points covered in the report related to compulsory detention and treatment. It reads:The Working Party are firmly of the view that compulsory powers should include the power to treat patients compulsorily for any form of mental disorder, but has doubts as to how far certain types of treatment should be applied on the sole authority of the Responsible Medical Officer against the patient's will or when he is incapable of giving consent.


2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (6) ◽  
pp. 250-254 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mirella Genziani ◽  
Steve Gillard ◽  
Lana Samuels ◽  
Mary Chambers

Aims and methodTo explore the experiences of emergency workers dealing with incidents in which section 136 of the Mental Health Act 1983 is invoked by the police. Data from interviews with police officers and ambulance workers in a London locality were subject to interpretative phenomenological analysis.ResultsParticipants felt they were the first port of call and that training should be improved to help them deal with those experiencing mental health crises in the community. Police participants noted time pressures trying to gain individuals’ trust and described section 136 detention as sometimes feeling like a betrayal of the individual. Most participants had negative experiences of admissions to the 136 suite; several suggested ways of improving the admissions system. Several went beyond their expected duties to ensure that distressed individuals were supported before accessing mental healthcare services.Clinical implicationsImproving training of emergency workers in dealing with mental health crises would also help with aftercare decision-making. Learning identified from the participants’ experiences lends support to collaboration between emergency and mental health services, an important step towards improving the section 136 process so that detainees can access help without unnecessary delay.


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