scholarly journals Turkish Cypriot identity after 1974: Turkish Cypriots, Turks of Cyprus or Cypriots?

2017 ◽  
pp. 116
Author(s):  
Ioannis Moutsis
Keyword(s):  
Present Status ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Turkish Cypriot ◽  
Greek Cypriots

The hopes created by the unexpected triumph of Mustafa Akıncı in the Turkish Cypriot parliamentary elections in 2015 opened once again the debate about Turkish Cypriot identity. Despite the various works on the issue since the opening of the borders in 2003, the issue of identity in the Turkish Cypriot community still remains under-researched. The hope of the Turkish Cypriots for reunification and an end to political isolation was replaced by skepticism after the rejection of the 2004 Annan Plan by the Greek Cypriots in a national referendum. Nevertheless the election of Mustafa Akιncı with an overwhelming sixty percent proves that the Turkish Cypriots should not be considered as loyal to the AKP-controlled Turkish political order as perhaps they were once thought to be. This article will attempt to examine the various aspects of Turkish Cypriot identity, as this has been formed by the Cyprus issue, their fifty-year-long isolation and the hope for an end of the present status quo that will open a window to the outside world forty-one years after the 1974 war and eleven years after the Annan Plan referenda.

Revolution

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nimer Sultany
Keyword(s):  
Arab Spring ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Political Order ◽  
New Order ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Arab Spring

This chapter argues that revolution is not separate from the very discourse and arrangements it responds to. Rather, it is subsumed in a legitimation discourse, and it is engulfed by similar tensions. Although revolution may erupt because of a perceived legitimacy deficit, it does not solve the conceptual deficiency of legitimacy. This is because revolution vacillates between an event that inaugurated it and a process that seeks to complete it. This duality makes revolution a contradictory concept that includes its own negation because different protagonists deploy it in contradictory ways. The very qualities that enable the designation of the Arab Spring as a revolution enable the counter-revolution. In other words, revolution does not provide a stable, unambiguous framework within which the new political order can be established. Consequently, the revolution’s attempt to delegitimate the status quo and legitimate the new order re-enacts the incoherence and instability of other legitimation devices.

Les élections régionales et européennes du 13 juin 2004 : Analyse des résultats

Res Publica ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 46 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 357-376
Author(s):  
William Fraeys
Keyword(s):  
Status Quo ◽  
The Other ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Green Party ◽  
European Elections ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The Third ◽  
Main Development ◽  
Regional Elections

In Belgium the European elections and those for the regional councils were held on the same day. The elections of June 13th 2004 deserve a threefold analysis. First a comparison can be made with the results obtained five years ago for the same assemblies. lt shows that in Flanders the socialist party has progressed but that this advance was mainly due to the constitution of a cartel with one faction - Spirit - of the defunct Volksunie. The christian democrats made headway, their progress being enhanced by the contribution of N-VA, the other faction stemming from the Volksunie. The liberals declined fairly markedly as did the green party but to a lesser extent than in the elections for the federal parliament. The June 2004 elections saw above all progress for the extreme right Vlaams Blok, which has become the second biggest party of Flanders with 24 pct of the vote. In the Walloon provinces the socialists progress most thereby increasing the gap separating them from the liberals. The christian democrats advance somewhat while the green party Ecolo declines substantially.  The parties of the far right gain support and reach 8.73 pct of the vote. In Brussels the socialist advance is very marked allowing this party to conquer first place to the detriment of the liberals who are in decline. The progress made by frenchspeaking christian democrats is significant.A second approach for the analysis consists in comparing the results of the regional elections with those of the European ones. The differences are slight and rnainly due to the popularity of the candidates. In Belgium there was no "eurosceptic" or "sovereignty" list.  The third angle consists in comparing the 2004 results with the ones of the parliamentary elections of 2003. One then observes in Flanders a decline of the socialists, a significant fall in support for the liberals and a progression of the christian democrats. But the main development remains the progression of the Vlaams Blok which gains more than 6 pct compared to its good result of 2003.  In the Walloon provinces, the socialists remain at their 2003 level but increase their positive gap with regard to the liberals who are in decline. The christian democrats advance by some 2 pct whereas Ecolo recovers a small part of its 2003 loss. The parties of the far right gain some 1.5 pct. In Brussels, the most noteworthy developrnent is the progress of the frenchspeaking socialists who take over the first place from the liberals.In genera!lthese elections are characterised by a reinforcement of the far right to the detriment of the centre parties and by a status quo of the aggregate consisting of socialists and greens, but to the benefit of the former.

Digital Modes of Exchange: Structural Relations of Commodity, Control, and Community

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 110-134
Author(s):  
Martin Roth
Keyword(s):  
Present Status ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The State ◽  
Imagined Communities ◽  
Heuristic Model ◽  
Digital Space ◽  
Structural Relations ◽  
Space Data ◽  
State Form

Abstract In this article, I perceive digital space as a space structured by different and, at the same time, related modes of exchange. Drawing on Karatani Kōjin’s model of ‘exchange’, I scrutinize capitalist exchange in digital space, data-based control on platforms, and the conditions of community in a filtered digital reality. The analysis indicates a shift in the structure of exchange in digital space. In Karatani’s analysis, capital, nation, and state form a strong alliance that maintains the present status quo. Although this holds true for digital space, the emphasis is much more on corporate and thus capitalist actors, which, in some cases, replace the state and interfere with the emergence of imagined communities. By relating the various actors and dimensions, I provide a heuristic model for the structure of digital space.

Intergroup contact and willingness for renewed cohabitation in Cyprus: Exploring the mediating and moderating mechanisms

2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 578-597 ◽  
Author(s):  
Deniz Yucel ◽  
Charis Psaltis
Keyword(s):  
Intergroup Contact ◽  
Direct And Indirect Effects ◽  
Divided Societies ◽  
Greek Cypriot ◽  
Turkish Cypriot ◽  
Greek Cypriots ◽  
Positive Effect ◽  
Effect Of Age

One of the major challenges in divided societies is finding ways to overcome geographical partition by increasing readiness for cohabitation in mixed areas. Cyprus has faced a protracted situation of division (between Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots) for the last 44 years. In this paper, we explore the role of intergroup contact (both quantity and quality of contact) in enhancing the willingness of members of these two communities to reestablish cohabitation, using representative survey samples from both communities. We hypothesize that such an effect is mediated by a decrease in the levels of prejudice between the two communities and an increase in the levels of trust. In addition, we hypothesize that the direct effect of intergroup contact and the indirect effect of intergroup contact through trust and prejudice are both moderated by age. To explore these hypotheses, we collected data from a representative sample of 502 Greek Cypriots and 504 Turkish Cypriots. The hypotheses are tested among the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot samples separately. In both samples, the results show that the positive effect of intergroup contact on willingness for renewed cohabitation is mediated by both trust and prejudice. There is also some support for the moderating effect of age for both the direct and indirect effects of intergroup contact.

The Struggle over Political Order in Egypt: The 2005 Elections

2006 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yoram Meital
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Arab Media ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
Media Space

Although many have dismissed Egypt's first competitive presidential elections and the parliamentary elections of 2005 as a sham, the election campaigns marked a new departure in the Egyptian political sphere, including a shift in the domestic political balance. This article argues that the convergence of developments in the domestic political arena — including the emergence of new movements — the shifting emphasis of US foreign policy towards democratization, and the emergence of the new Arab media space, give the elections real significance despite the predictability of the results.

Fading Anti-systemicness: Tawhidi Islamists in Turkey

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 334-361
Author(s):  
Feriha Perekli
Keyword(s):  
Status Quo ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Large Numbers ◽  
The Status ◽  
Established Order

This article traces a process of modifications undertaken by anti-systemic tawhidi Islamists over two decades. Disillusioned with the failure to capture the state through an Iranian-style mass uprising, tawhidi Islamists began to disengage in large numbers from their holy cause starting from the 1990s. As those who disengaged were co-opted by parliamentarian Islamism, the activists who persisted abandoned their revolutionary approach. In spite of engaging in a tactical revisionism, they retained their non-accommodationist stance vis-à-vis the established political order. Yet, in the late 2000s, they accommodated with the new established order, rendering their anti-systemicness obsolete. The article maintains that (1) despite disengagements, tawhidi Islamism as a movement did not completely vanish, but instead committed core activists continued their mobilization by reevaluating their tactics; (2) accommodation with the status quo became possible as the new established order and its policies were perceived as opportunities toward advancing Islamist mobilization.

Thai charter vote foreshadows post-transition politics

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political System ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Authoritarian State ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Military

Subject Outlook for the post-transition political system. Significance The August 7 constitutional referendum will be conducted under tightened controls on political organisation, making a 'yes' vote more likely. Although the Democratic Party criticises the draft for its attempt to return Thailand to a semi-authoritarian state, efforts by deposed former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra's 'red-shirt' supporters to organise protests offer the only real opposition to the junta's plan. This struggle foreshadows the political system that is likely to emerge after the next parliamentary elections. Impacts Regulatory risk to investors post-transition would be limited: the military, the Democrats and the PTP are pro-business. China will not alter the status quo in its Thai relations, but will need to invest in building ties with the next monarch. Washington will tolerate most eventualities, except a violent crackdown against the military's opponents.

The Hybrid Regime in Post-Civil War Sri Lanka

2012 ◽  
Vol 49 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 437-447 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laksiri Jayasuriya
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Sri Lanka ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Sri Lankan ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The Social ◽  
Dominant State ◽  
Hybrid Regime ◽  
Social Ethos

Following the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2010, the Sri Lankan political system has seen the rise of a ‘one-party dominant state’ and a ‘hybrid regime’. This new political order consists of a mix of democratic and authoritarian elements largely seen in countries such as Malaysia and Singapore. This essay examines the social and political changes introduced by the highly militarized regime led by Mahinda Rajapaksa, which has slanted towards a Kautilyan ideology and authoritarian constitutionalism. It is argued that Sri Lanka needs a glasnost, marking a new political and social ethos based on the principles of accountability, openness, transparency, freedom and justice.

scholarly journals Effects of acupuncture and moxibustion on headache and the present status quo

2014 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-36
Author(s):  
Yoichiro HASHIMOTO ◽  
Haruki TORIUMI ◽  
Tomokazu KIKUCHI ◽  
Shoji SHINOHARA ◽  
Daichi KASUYA
Keyword(s):  
Present Status ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Acupuncture And Moxibustion

Les élections communales du 10 octobre 1976 : Analyse des résultats

Res Publica ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 18 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 427-443
Author(s):  
William Fraeys
Keyword(s):  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Great Stability ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Municipal Election ◽  
First Time ◽  
Political Character ◽  
Walloon Region

For the first time, the municipal election of 10 October 1976 was held in new units resulting from the merger of numerous boroughs («communes»). This is the reason why the political character of the poll became more outspoken.The results of the present election should be compared not only with the preceding municipal poll in 1970, but also with the result of the two parliamentary elections (1971 and 1974) which took place since then.This analyses leads us to the conclusion that in the Walloon region, «Rassemblement Wallon» suffered an important setback in comparison with 1974 for the benefit of Christian Democrats and to a lesser extentof the Socialist Party.In the Flemish region, a great stability may be noted with respect to the opinion expressed in 1974. At the utmost, a very slight Socialist loss may be observed as wel! as a Liberal quasi status quo and a moderate rise for the Christian Democrats.Although FDF's progress with respect to 1974 cannot be denied, its extent is not sufficient to bring this party back to its 1971 record level.  To conclude one might say that should the voters have voted in a similar way to elect a Parliament, the Chambers would not be much different from what they are now, but for a loss of seats for «Rassemblement Wallon» which would benefit to the Christian Democrats in the first place and to a lesser extent to the Socialists and PDF as well.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document