The political crisis of 1993 as an obstacle to the internal armed conflict settlement in Guatemala: the OAS mission

2015 ◽  
Vol 0 (1) ◽  
pp. 241
Author(s):  
Olga Vladimirovna Andrianova ◽  
Liliya Vyacheslavovna Khadorich

Significance After releasing 1 billion dollars in April, the IMF is urging Ukraine to implement land and pension reforms to make it eligible for further lending tranches. The government is finding it hard to pursue controversial changes opposed by many voters and taken up as causes by the political opposition. Gontareva's resignation reflects a lack of government support and is a setback for the reformist camp. Impacts The 'economic war' emerging alongside armed conflict in the east will dent prospects for growth and reform. Failure to secure further IMF financing could accelerate the planned return to international capital markets, perhaps in the third quarter. Attempts to push through reforms such as land sales may lead to increased political strife but not a full-blown political crisis.


Author(s):  
Ronald Edward Villamil Carvajal

El artículo aborda el análisis de una modalidad particular del fenómeno paramilitar en Colombia como son las prácticas paramilitares, comprendidas como la constitución de redes o alianzas criminales funcionales, cambiantes y coyunturales en la planeación, coordinación y perpetración de graves violaciones a los DDHH y al DIH. Se toma como epicentro del análisis el proceso de violencia política ocurrido entre los años 1982-1997 en el Alto Nordeste Antioqueño (conformado por los municipios de Remedios y Segovia), paradigmático de esta trayectoria particular del fenómeno paramilitar. La caracterización y análisis de las prácticas paramilitares amplían la comprensión acerca del proceso de conformación, expansión y consolidación de las estructuras paramilitares que se agruparon en la confederación de las Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia (AUC).Palabras Clave: Conflicto armado interno, Violencia política, Memoria histórica, Remedios y Segovia, Paramilitarismo ABSTRACTPARAMILITARY PRACTICES IN THE ALTO NORDESTE ANTIOQUEÑOThe article deals with the analysis of a particular modality of the paramilitary phenomenon in Colombia, such as paramilitary practices, including the constitution of functional, changing and conjunctural criminal networks or alliances in the planning, coordination and perpetration of serious violations of human rights and IHL . The epicenter of the analysis is the political violence that occurred between 1982 and 1997 in the Alto Nordeste Antioquioqueño (made up of the municipalities of Remedios and Segovia), paradigmatic of this particular trajectory of the paramilitary phenomenon. The characterization and analysis of paramilitary practices broaden the understanding of the process of conformation, expansion and consolidation of the paramilitary structures that were grouped in the confederation of the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC).Key Words: Internal armed conflict, Political violence, Historical memory, Remedios and Segovia, Paramilitarism


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (01) ◽  
pp. 51-67
Author(s):  
Rakotondrasoa Helinjiva

Africa is a continent devastated by conflicts and wars of all kinds. After being colonized for more than a century, African countries have sought solutions to solve the problems between them. They thus found their own organization which is the African Union with mixed commissions. The latter, besides dealing with the economic development of African countries, also deal with the management and resolution of armed and non- armed conflicts in the continent. Among these armed conflicts resolved by the African Union is the political crisis in Madagascar in 2009. The resolution of the conflict in Madagascar, despite its very successful appearance conceals some inconveniences for the Malagasy population and the Republic of Madagascar. This paper will demonstrate how the African Union regulates non-weapon conflicts in Africa, including the case of Madagascar, and explain the failures and successes of managing the crisis there. It aims to analyze the problems encountered in the resolution of a conflict, especially internal. Liberalism, more precisely, institutional liberalism is the theoretical framework of this study. To dig deeper into this paper, the research design utilized is the qualitative method with a deductive method. Data collection comes from primary data like books, reviews, reports, newspapers, etc.


2021 ◽  
pp. 51-82
Author(s):  
Angélica Caicedo-Moreno ◽  
Pablo Castro-Abril ◽  
Wilson López-López ◽  
Lorena Gil Montes

Colombia had the longest internal armed conflict in Latin America, and its government reached a peace agreement with the FARC guerrillas in 2016. This article explores the transitional justice social representations during the signing of the peace agreement (study 1) and their implementation, during 2019-2020 (study 2). The first study analyzes the news related to the institutions created from the peace agreement during 2016. The second study explores different psychosocial variables associated with its two most controversial institutions, the Truth Commission (TC) and the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP) during 2019-2020, after the beginning of its work. The findings revealed that news articles from two principal Colombian newspapers illustrate two anchoring categories of transitional justice with an emphasis on victims, while the political position of the newspaper suggests possible disagreements on what peace entails. Surveys showed that political position and victimization are crucial for the approval and support of the TC and the JEP, as well as correlated with the level of media consumption regarding these institutions. Received: 17 September 2021Accepted: 15 November 2021


Significance The National Conference, which aims to garner Libyans’ thoughts on the conflict and promote reconciliation, is part of the UN’s September 2017 ‘Action Plan’ for ending the political crisis, which also includes amending the 2015 Libya Political Agreement (LPA) and holding elections. However, this plan and sequencing have not had unanimous buy-in. Impacts Security problems will persist, but a major escalation in armed conflict is unlikely. Projects and activity by large foreign companies will slowly increase. Local government and local security forces will maintain the increased importance they have had since 2011.


2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 126-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oren Barak ◽  
Dan Miodownik

This article argues that autonomous militaries can play a balancing role during major internal political crises. However, when militaries’ autonomy is curtailed by political leaders before the crisis, militaries cannot maintain the political balance between rulers and opponents, thereby increasing the risk of armed conflict. The article first explains the main concepts relevant to the discussion (autonomy, political crisis, balancing role), exploring their possible interlinkages and presenting several hypotheses. Subsequently, it discusses four relevant cases from the Middle East before and during the Arab revolts of 2010–2011: Egypt in 2011 and Lebanon in 1958, which demonstrate the balancing capacities of autonomous militaries during major political crises, and Lebanon in 1975 and Syria in 2011, which reveal that nonautonomous militaries cannot play a balancing role in such circumstances. The article concludes with several observations regarding the military’s balancing role during major internal political crises in divided and homogenous states.


2009 ◽  
Vol 4 (8) ◽  
pp. 196
Author(s):  
Práxedes Muñoz Sánchez

ambién nos contaron que habían encontrado gentes nacidas en tierras lejanas y queaunque hablaban en otras lenguas o con otro modo eran como hermanos, pues teníansentimientos nobles y estaban dispuestos a darnos apoyo y acompañarnos … Asísurgieron los lazos de lucha que hermanan y fortalecen, supimos de los acompañantesy aprendimos que la solidaridad es una fuerza que acerca a las gentes, acorta distanciasy permite compartir penas, esfuerzos, logros, sueños y esperanzas…« Sentires», fragmento de relato inédito de Mario Domínguez   RESUMEN A partir de una etnografía reflexiva, se prioriza sobre una participación política que ha trascendido hasta hoy por la organización y resistencia durante el conflicto armado interno de Guatemala. Es el caso de personas originarias de las Comunidades de Población en Resistencia, CPR, del Ixcán que han intervenido activamente en los procesos políticos de su municipio, debido en parte a una nueva identidad que emergió y creció con el lema «Resistencia para Avanzar». Apostaron por la organización y por una política activa que, con los Acuerdos de Paz y con proyectos estratégicos de descentralización política, participan en alcaldías municipales apoyándose en las experiencias de organización comunitaria aprendidas durante el conflicto armado interno. Así surgió una nueva cultura política que desde las masacres crea esperanza al pueblo indígena y a la sociedad.   ABSTRACT On the basis of reflexive ethnography, the author focuses on the political participation that has taken place to date as a result of the organization and resistance during the internal armed conflict in Guatemala. This is the case of the people from the Ixcán CPRs who have actively intervened in the political processes in their municipality, partly due to their new identity that emerged and expanded as a result of the motto, «Progress through Resistance». They committed themselves to organization and active politics. As a result of the Peace Agreements and through the strategic projects of political decentralization, they participated in municipal town councils, using their experience in community organization from the internal armed conflict. And so a new political culture arose as result of the massacres, creating hope for indigenous people and society.


2014 ◽  
pp. 30-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. Grigoryev ◽  
E. Buryak ◽  
A. Golyashev

The Ukrainian socio-economic crisis has been developing for years and resulted in the open socio-political turmoil and armed conflict. The Ukrainian population didn’t meet objectives of the post-Soviet transformation, and people were disillusioned for years, losing trust in the state and the Future. The role of workers’ remittances in the Ukrainian economy is underestimated, since the personal consumption and stability depend strongly on them. Social inequality, oligarchic control of key national assets contributed to instability as well as regional disparity, aggravated by identity differences. Economic growth is slow due to a long-term underinvestment, and prospects of improvement are dependent on some difficult institutional reforms, macro stability, open external markets and the elites’ consensus. Recovering after socio-economic and political crisis will need not merely time, but also governance quality improvement, institutions reform, the investment climate revival - that can be attributed as the second transformation in Ukraine.


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