scholarly journals Colombian Transitional Justice: The media discourse of the Peace Agreement and perceptions regarding its institutions

2021 ◽  
pp. 51-82
Author(s):  
Angélica Caicedo-Moreno ◽  
Pablo Castro-Abril ◽  
Wilson López-López ◽  
Lorena Gil Montes
Keyword(s):  
Transitional Justice ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Social Representations ◽  
The Political ◽  
Media Discourse ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Internal Armed Conflict ◽  
Political Position ◽  
The Media ◽  
Agreement Study

Colombia had the longest internal armed conflict in Latin America, and its government reached a peace agreement with the FARC guerrillas in 2016. This article explores the transitional justice social representations during the signing of the peace agreement (study 1) and their implementation, during 2019-2020 (study 2). The first study analyzes the news related to the institutions created from the peace agreement during 2016. The second study explores different psychosocial variables associated with its two most controversial institutions, the Truth Commission (TC) and the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP) during 2019-2020, after the beginning of its work. The findings revealed that news articles from two principal Colombian newspapers illustrate two anchoring categories of transitional justice with an emphasis on victims, while the political position of the newspaper suggests possible disagreements on what peace entails. Surveys showed that political position and victimization are crucial for the approval and support of the TC and the JEP, as well as correlated with the level of media consumption regarding these institutions. Received: 17 September 2021Accepted: 15 November 2021

Frozen Negotiations: The Peace Process in Chiapas

2006 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raúúl Beníítez Manaut ◽  
Andrew Selee ◽  
Cynthia J. Arnson
Keyword(s):  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Democratic Transition ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Democratic Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Government ◽  
Better Than

Mexico's democratic transition has helped reduce, if not eliminate, the threat of renewed armed conflict in Chiapas. However, absent more active measures from the government and the Ejéército Zapatista de Liberacióón Nacional (EZLN) to seek a permanent peace agreement and come to terms with the legacies of the past, the conflict will linger on in an unstable déétente, which we term ““armed peace.”” While this situation is far better than the open hostilities of the past, it also belies the promise of a fully democratic society in which all citizens are equally included in the political process. La transicióón democráática en Mééxico ha contribuido a reducir, si no eliminar, la posibilidad de que el conflicto armado en Chiapas se reanude. Sin embargo, sin esfuerzos mas activos por parte del gobierno y del Ejéército Zapatista de Liberacióón Nacional (EZLN) para buscar un acuerdo de paz permanente y saldar cuentas con el pasado, el conflicto permaneceráá en un estado inestable que llamamos ““paz armada””. Aunque esta situacióón es mucho mejor que las tensiones y agresiones del pasado, no cumple los requisitos de una sociedad plenamente democráática en que todos los ciudadanos participan en condiciones de igualdad en el proceso políítico.

scholarly journals Fragmented Ethnopolitical Social Representations of a Territorial Peace Agreement: The Mindanao Peace Talks

2012 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 37-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cristina Jayme Montiel ◽  
Judith M. de Guzman ◽  
Ma. Elizabeth J. Macapagal
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Social Representations ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Territorial Conflict ◽  
Research Results ◽  
Peace Agreements ◽  
The Social ◽  
Agreement Study ◽  
Social Landscapes

This article examines fractures in the social representations of a contested peace agreement in the longstanding territorial conflict of Mindanao. We compared representational structures and discourses about the peace talks among Muslims and Christians. Study One used an open-ended survey of 420 Christians and Muslims from two Mindanao cities identified with different Islamised tribes, and employed the hierarchical evocation method to provide representational structures of the peace agreement. Study Two contrasted discourses about the Memorandum of Agreement between two Muslim liberation fronts identified with separate Islamised tribes in Mindanao. Findings show unified Christians’ social representations about the peace agreement. However, Muslims’ social representations diverge along the faultlines of the Islamised ethnic groups. Findings are examined in the light of ethnopolitical divides that emerge among apparently united nonmigrant groups, as peace agreements address territorial solutions. Research results are likewise discussed in relation to other tribally contoured social landscapes that carry hidden, yet fractured ethnic narratives embedded in a larger war storyline.

Counterhegemony in the Media under Rafael Correa’s Citizens’ Revolution

2015 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Kitzberger
Keyword(s):  
Power Relations ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Media Discourse ◽  
Guiding Principle ◽  
Open Process ◽  
The Media ◽  
Media Power ◽  
Medios De Comunicacion ◽  
Radical Transformation

The Citizens’ Revolution, the political process initiated in Ecuador with the presidential inauguration of Rafael Correa in 2007, initiated a radical transformation in the media comparable to other progressive governmental experiments in the region. The political process led by Correa has pursued a change in power relations and ownership, the introduction of regulation, the demystification of the established media discourse, and an abandonment of the market as a guiding principle in the media. From the perspective of the equitable redistribution of media power, however, it is still an open process whose outcome is uncertain. La Revolución Ciudadana, el proceso político iniciado en el Ecuador con la investidura presidencial de Rafael Correa en 2007, inició una transformación radical en los medios de comunicación comparables a otros experimentos gubernamentales progresistas de la región. El proceso político liderado por Correa ha buscado un cambio en las relaciones de poder y la propiedad, la introducción de la regulación, la desmistificación del discurso de los medios establecidos, y un abandono del mercado como principio rector en los medios de comunicación. Desde la perspectiva de la redistribución equitativa de poder de los medios, sin embargo, sigue siendo un proceso abierto cuyo resultado es incierto.

Parallel Tracks and Fraught Encounters

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pascha Bueno-Hansen
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Rural Communities ◽  
Transitional Justice ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Gender Based Violence ◽  
Internal Armed Conflict ◽  
Justice Process ◽  
Gender Based ◽  
Feminist Movements

This chapter examines the struggles and gaps between the protagonism of rural Andean women, or campesinas, and the priorities of the human rights and feminist movements in Peru as they try to address the ever-growing number of victims and survivors of the internal armed conflict. The armed conflict pitted the armed forces versus the Shining Path; both sides demanded allegiance from rural communities. From the beginning, campesinas were at the forefront of local efforts to denounce human rights violations and address the needs of affected people with the help of church groups and human rights advocates. Peruvian human rights and feminist movements presented the strongest potential for taking on the defense of campesinas' rights. This chapter considers how social exclusions marginalized campesina voices in the transitional justice process and how and why, despite campesina protagonism and human rights and feminist movements' best intentions, the gender-based violence directed at campesinas during the armed conflict slipped through the cracks. It also looks at the founding of the Women for Democracy, or Mujeres por la Democracia (MUDE), in 1997.

Waiting in the Garden of Broken Trees

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pascha Bueno-Hansen
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Transitional Justice ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Gender Norms ◽  
International Human Rights Law ◽  
Gender Based Violence ◽  
Legal Cases ◽  
Internal Armed Conflict ◽  
Language Class ◽  
Gender Based

This book examines how social inequality functions within Peru's transitional justice process by focusing on the gender-based violence that occurred during the internal armed conflict of 1980–2000. It considers how Peruvian human rights and feminist movements, the Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation Committee (PTRC), and a feminist nongovernmental organization—the Estudio por la Defensa de los Derechos de la Mujer, or Study and Defense of Women's Rights (DEMUS)—negotiated between implementing international human rights law and holistically addressing gender-based violence. It also explores how gender norms influence what violations the Peruvian human rights movement, and later the PTRC, prioritize; how gender norms influence dominant representations of women in the PTRC public hearings and sexual violence legal cases; and how the temporally bound nature of transitional justice exists in tension with the continuum of violence. Finally, the book discusses the influence of other social factors, such as ethnicity, language, class, and culture, on gender-based violence during the internal armed conflict.

scholarly journals Las prácticas paramilitares en el Alto Nordeste Antioqueño

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald Edward Villamil Carvajal
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
The Political ◽  
Internal Armed Conflict ◽  
Self Defense ◽  
Palabras Clave ◽  
El Alto ◽  
Violencia Politica

El artículo aborda el análisis de una modalidad particular del fenómeno paramilitar en Colombia como son las prácticas paramilitares, comprendidas como la constitución de redes o alianzas criminales funcionales, cambiantes y coyunturales en la planeación, coordinación y perpetración de graves violaciones a los DDHH y al DIH. Se toma como epicentro del análisis el proceso de violencia política ocurrido entre los años 1982-1997 en el Alto Nordeste Antioqueño (conformado por los municipios de Remedios y Segovia), paradigmático de esta trayectoria particular del fenómeno paramilitar. La caracterización y análisis de las prácticas paramilitares amplían la comprensión acerca del proceso de conformación, expansión y consolidación de las estructuras paramilitares que se agruparon en la confederación de las Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia (AUC).Palabras Clave: Conflicto armado interno, Violencia política, Memoria histórica, Remedios y Segovia, Paramilitarismo ABSTRACTPARAMILITARY PRACTICES IN THE ALTO NORDESTE ANTIOQUEÑOThe article deals with the analysis of a particular modality of the paramilitary phenomenon in Colombia, such as paramilitary practices, including the constitution of functional, changing and conjunctural criminal networks or alliances in the planning, coordination and perpetration of serious violations of human rights and IHL . The epicenter of the analysis is the political violence that occurred between 1982 and 1997 in the Alto Nordeste Antioquioqueño (made up of the municipalities of Remedios and Segovia), paradigmatic of this particular trajectory of the paramilitary phenomenon. The characterization and analysis of paramilitary practices broaden the understanding of the process of conformation, expansion and consolidation of the paramilitary structures that were grouped in the confederation of the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC).Key Words: Internal armed conflict, Political violence, Historical memory, Remedios and Segovia, Paramilitarism

scholarly journals The “Vulnerability” Discourse in Times of Covid-19: Between Abandonment and Protection of Canadian Francophone Older Adults

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martine Lagacé ◽  
Amélie Doucet ◽  
Pascale Dangoisse ◽  
Caroline D. Bergeron
Keyword(s):  
Older Adults ◽  
Older People ◽  
Aging Process ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Social Representations ◽  
Media Discourse ◽  
Linguistic Minority ◽  
Stereotype Content ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Media

The Covid-19 pandemic has been particularly difficult for older Canadians who have experienced age discrimination. As the media can provide a powerful channel for conveying stereotypes, the current study aimed to explore how Canadian Francophone older adults and the aging process were depicted by the media during the first wave of the Covid-19 pandemic, and to examine if and how the media discourse contributed to ageist attitudes and behaviors. A content analysis of two French Canadian media op-eds and comment pieces (n = 85) published over the course of the first wave of the pandemic was conducted. Findings reveal that the aging process was mainly associated with words of decline, loss, and vulnerability. More so, older people were quasi-absent if not silent in the media discourse. Older adults were positioned as people to fight for and not as people to fight along with in the face of the pandemic. The findings from this study enhance the understanding of theories and concepts of the Theory of Social Representations and the Stereotype Content Model while outlining the importance of providing older people with a voice and a place in the shaping of public discourse around aging. Results also illustrate the transversality and influence of ageism in this linguistic minority context.

Social Representations of a Controversial Peace Agreement: Subjective Public Meanings of the GRP-MILF MOA

2011 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-72
Author(s):  
Cristina Jayme Montiel ◽  
Judith M. de Guzman
Keyword(s):  
Social Representations ◽  
Local Level ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Public Meanings

Using social representations theory, we studied the social meanings of a controversial Memorandum of Agreement (MOA) between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. In Study One, we describe the discursive content of the social debate by content analyzing articles from newspapers and selected websites. Study Two uses a survey to examine the fit between social representations of the political elite, as found in media, and the nonelite in Mindanao territories where the MOA was hotly contested. Study Three presents the social representations of the MOA at the local level through analysis of key informant interviews and archival data. Discriminant analysis on survey data shows that in general, the debate of political elites in media mirrors the contentions on-the-ground. However, the issue of constitutionality was only taken up by the political elite. Our findings suggest that the political stumble of the GRP-MILF peace process lay in a lack of procedural fairness and an on-the-ground participatory process acceptable to all antagonistic parties. However, the socially represented fair procedure is not about conventional democratic ways like using or not using a constitutional frame, but rather about pragmatic positioning and public consultations.

From Victims to Beneficiaries: Shaping Postconflict Subjects through State Reparations in Peru

2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (5) ◽  
pp. 158-173
Author(s):  
Ivan Ramírez Zapata ◽  
Rogelio Scott-Insúa
Keyword(s):  
Transitional Justice ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
The Political ◽  
Displaced Persons ◽  
Design And Implementation ◽  
Early Stages

The political and institutional coordinates that appear in official classifications of the victims of the Peruvian armed conflict (1980–2000) affect their subsequent recognition as beneficiaries of reparations programs. A review of the conceptual bases of the Comprehensive Reparations Program calls attention to the tension in the design and implementation of this program between a strictly reparative approach and another that addresses the structural disparities present in the aftermath of the war. Examination of the effects of that tension in two cases shows that the early stages of implementing housing reparations equated the concept of “victim” with that of “poor” and later made poverty a prerequisite for receiving housing reparations and points to the difficulty of making an appropriate offer of reparations for displaced persons, whose specific problems are not properly addressed by the traditional agenda of transitional justice. Las coordenadas políticas e institucionales que atraviesan la calificación oficial de las víctimas del conflicto armado peruano (1980–2000) afectan su consiguiente reco-nocimiento como beneficiarios de programas de reparación. Al revisar los fundamentos conceptuales del Programa Integral de Reparaciones destacamos una tensión tensión en el diseño e implementación de este programa entre una perspectiva propiamente de reparación y una perspectiva de combate a las disparidades estructurales presentes en el período posconflicto. Examinamos la presencia y efectos de esta tensión en dos casos concretos. El primero muestra cómo los inicios en la implementación de reparaciones en vivienda equipararon la figura de la víctima con la de pobre, y posteriormente pusieron a la pobreza como requisito para recibir reparaciones en vivienda. El segundo muestra la dificultad de proponer una oferta adecuada de reparaciones para personas desplazadas, al ser una población cuyas características no encajan en la agenda clásica de la justicia transicional.

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