Strategic Communications: A Coorientation Approach in Russian and American Universities

Author(s):  
N. Nesova

This study focuses on two countries that often dominate international public diplomacy, and examines how Russian and American youth view the current relationship between Russia and the United States. The article promotes research on the theory of co-orientation and proves that coordination can be one of the theoretical foundations in the field of strategic communication. The study first identifies the main issues affecting the relations between the two countries. Then, using the survey methodology, data on these questions is collected from respondents from the United States and Russia. Four main scenarios of co-orientation are considered : monolithic consensus, pluralistic disregard, false consensus, and disagreement. The results of the study show that the type of coordination scenario that best characterizes the relationship between the United States and Russia is disagreement. The results also highlight the status of strategic communication as an interdisciplinary science with the psychological roots of coorientation theory.

2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (6) ◽  
pp. 2109-2136
Author(s):  
RUPING XIAO ◽  
HSIAO-TING LIN

AbstractThis article revisits the issue of the offshore islands in the Taiwan Strait during the Cold War. Benefitting from archival materials only recently made available, specifically Chiang Kai-shek's personal diaries, CIA declassified materials, Taiwanese Foreign Ministry files, and rare publications from the Contemporary Taiwan Collection at the Library of the Institute of Oriental Culture, University of Tokyo, this research examines the cloud of suspicion surrounding the secret contacts between Taipei and Beijing leading up to and during the 1958 offshore islands crisis, elucidating how such a political tête-à-tête, and the resultant tacit consensus over the status of the islands, gradually brought about an end to the conflict between Taiwan and Communist China. In hindsight, the crises over the offshore islands along China's southeast coast momentarily brought the United States closer to war with Communist China, while putting the relationship between Taipei and Washington to a serious test. The end result, however, was that, while these isles were technically embedded in the unfinished civil war between the Chinese Nationalists and Communists, they provided, ironically, an opportunity for secret communications and, ultimately, a kind of détente between the two supposedly deadly enemies across the Taiwan Strait. A close examination of the details of these crises, along with their attendant military, political, and diplomatic complexities, reveals an amazing amount of political intrigue at both the local and international levels that has not been fully realized until now.


Worldview ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (6) ◽  
pp. 23-24
Author(s):  
Daniel J. O'Neil

Internal colonialism has beeome a popular term in academic parlance. Although suggested in the writings of Lenin, it was probably first developed by the Mexican intellectual Pablo Gonzales Casanova, who employed the term in his Democracy in Mexico to describe the relationship between the Mexican Government and the Indian population. In the United States it has since been used to characterize the status of virtually every minority. The charge is made that blacks, Mexican- Americans, Indians, and even women have been colonized. Virtually all culturally pluralistic societies— outside the socialist bloc—are now stigmatized as instances of internal colonialism.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (12) ◽  
pp. eaay3761 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shai Davidai ◽  
Martino Ongis

The tendency to see life as zero-sum exacerbates political conflicts. Six studies (N = 3223) examine the relationship between political ideology and zero-sum thinking: the belief that one party’s gains can only be obtained at the expense of another party’s losses. We find that both liberals and conservatives view life as zero-sum when it benefits them to do so. Whereas conservatives exhibit zero-sum thinking when the status quo is challenged, liberals do so when the status quo is being upheld. Consequently, conservatives view social inequalities—where the status quo is frequently challenged—as zero-sum, but liberals view economic inequalities—where the status quo has remained relatively unchallenged in past decades—as such. Overall, these findings suggest potentially important ideological differences in perceptions of conflict—differences that are likely to have implications for understanding political divides in the United States and the difficulty of reaching bipartisan legislation.


Author(s):  
Bradley Curtis A

This chapter considers the status of treaties within the U.S. legal system. The focus is on international agreements concluded through the senatorial advice and consent process specified in Article II of the Constitution. The chapter describes that process, including the Senate’s ability to condition its consent through reservations and other qualifications. It also discusses the role of treaties as supreme law of the land, including the situations in which treaties will be considered “self-executing” and “non–self-executing,” as well as the later-in-time relationship of treaties to federal statutes. The chapter also discusses the relationship of treaties to constitutional limitations concerning the separation of powers and federalism, including the implications of the Supreme Court’s 1920 decision in Missouri v. Holland. The chapter concludes with a consideration of how the United States terminates treaties.


2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (72) ◽  
pp. 239-280
Author(s):  
Dario Kuntić

Abstract This paper examines the complex issue of the triangular relationship between China, Taiwan and the United States. Due to its importance to both China and the United States, Taiwan has burdened the relationship between the two powers as long and as fierce as any. China considers Taiwan an integral part of its territory and has been unwilling to reject the use of force to settle the Taiwan issue. Under these conditions, Taiwan has chosen to balance China by aligning itself with the United States in order to avoid submission or destruction. Although the U.S. supports a “one-China” policy, it is strongly opposed to any move that could change the status quo in the Taiwan Strait by force. While both Beijing and Washington often emphasize positive engagement and dialogue, divergent interests of China and the United States over Taiwan, along with their contest for domination in East Asia, have remained a focal point of contention that could send the two powers on a collision course


Author(s):  
Joslyn Barnhart

This chapter examines the significant role that national humiliation played in shaping Soviet policy during the most dangerous period of the Cold War. It defines the relationship between the Soviets' sense of humiliation perpetuated by U.S. surveillance flyovers between 1957 and 1961 through Soviet airspace and Nikita Khrushchev's decision to break ties with the Americans and place missiles in Cuba. It also establishes the important role that humiliating events played in stimulating the symbolic competition for status on the African continent. The chapter examines the status dynamics in the period of intense status competition at the end of the nineteenth century. Just as French and German status-seeking strategies in Africa challenged the status and interests of England and Italy, the Soviet Union's attempts to seek status through material practices befitting their desired superpower status presented a potential challenge to the status of the United States.


2013 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 208-232 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yvonne Haddad

This study analyses the relationship between the Coptic community in the United States and Egyptian Copts regarding the status of Coptic citizenship in the Egyptian state. The conception of citizenship for the Coptic Christian minority has been debated since the formation of the modern nation-state and has acquired greater relevance after the revolution that brought the Muslim Brotherhood to power. One primary narrative of citizenship is promoted by the Egyptian Church. It recognises that, while Copts may not feel like equal citizens, they are devoted to their homeland. They try to promote greater equality through civil discourse, opposing foreign intervention and seeking to foster positive relations with Egypt's Muslims. While many Diaspora Copts echo the message of the Egyptian Church, a minority of activist Copts have challenged that narrative. Inculcated with ideas of Islamophobia and neoconservatism, they tend to dismiss hopes of national unity and focus rather on incidents of persecution. These diaspora activist groups continue to challenge the Coptic Church. Their policies have influenced American foreign policy and have broader implications for Muslim–Christian relations in Egypt.


Author(s):  
Bradley Curtis A

This chapter considers the status of treaties within the U.S. legal system. The focus is on international agreements concluded through the senatorial advice-and-consent process specified in Article II of the Constitution. The chapter describes that process, including the Senate’s ability to condition its consent through reservations and other qualifications. It also discusses the role of treaties as supreme law of the land, including the situations in which treaties will be considered “self-executing” and “non–self-executing,” as well as the later-in-time relationship of treaties to federal statutes. The chapter also discusses the relationship of treaties to constitutional limitations concerning the separation of powers and federalism, including the implications of the Supreme Court’s 1920 decision in Missouri v. Holland. The chapter concludes with a consideration of the president’s constitutional authority to withdraw the United States from treaties.


2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 247-274
Author(s):  
Liu Zhaokun

Abstract Unrelenting animosity continues to define the relationship between the United States and North Korea, but in the mid-1980s, P’yŏngyang began to seek non-confrontational measures to fulfill one of its major diplomatic objectives—opening a channel of direct negotiation with Washington. The bodies of U.S. soldiers who had perished or gone missing in North Korea in 1950 during the Korean War became bargaining chips for the North Koreans. This article analyzes the political stakes of these remains for the two countries. It traces the meetings between Congressman Gillespie V. Montgomery and North Korean officials in 1989 and 1990, which led to the first return of U.S. soldiers’ remains since October 1954. North Korea’s insistence on delivering the remains to Montgomery, rather than the Korean War Military Armistice Commission, was an attempt to force the United States to acknowledge its legitimacy. Unable to abandon the bodies, U.S. officials offered limited concessions, while endeavoring to maintain the status quo in Korea. The 1990 remains repatriation revealed the possibility of cooperation between the two countries.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 204-230
Author(s):  
Paolo Riguzzi

In the second half of the 1870s, relations between the United States and Mexico faced a difficult situation. On the one hand, an acute diplomatic and security crisis occurred, involving various dimensions of Mexican sovereignty. On the other hand, foundations for modern economic exchange between the two countries were laid, based on the developing railroad connection. This article analyses this situation focusing on the relationship between diplomatic, economic and information interactions, seeking to understand how the conflict was settled. The analysis of the crisis management demonstrates that the solution was contingent upon the use of unconventional diplomatic channels, which had important implications for the course of the bilateral relationships that followed. En la segunda mitad de la década de 1870, las relaciones entre Estados Unidos y México enfrentaron una situación difícil. Por un lado, ocurrió una grave crisis diplomática y de seguridad, que involucró varias dimensiones de la soberanía mexicana. Por otro, se sentaron las bases para el intercambio económico moderno entre los dos países, con base en la conexión ferroviaria en desarrollo. Este artículo analiza dicha situación, enfocándose en la relación entre interacciones diplomáticas, económicas y de información, y buscando entender cómo se resolvió el conflicto. El análisis de la gestión de la crisis demuestra que la solución dependió del uso de canales diplomáticos no convencionales, lo cual tuvo importantes implicaciones para la evolución posterior de las relaciones bilaterales.


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