Being Skeptical About "Internal Colonialism"

Worldview ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (6) ◽  
pp. 23-24
Author(s):  
Daniel J. O'Neil

Internal colonialism has beeome a popular term in academic parlance. Although suggested in the writings of Lenin, it was probably first developed by the Mexican intellectual Pablo Gonzales Casanova, who employed the term in his Democracy in Mexico to describe the relationship between the Mexican Government and the Indian population. In the United States it has since been used to characterize the status of virtually every minority. The charge is made that blacks, Mexican- Americans, Indians, and even women have been colonized. Virtually all culturally pluralistic societies— outside the socialist bloc—are now stigmatized as instances of internal colonialism.

2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kim Pulvers ◽  
A. Paula Cupertino ◽  
Taneisha S. Scheuermann ◽  
Lisa Sanderson Cox ◽  
Yen-Yi Ho ◽  
...  

<p><strong>Background: </strong>Higher smoking prevalence and quantity (cigarettes per day) has been linked to acculturation in the United States among Latinas, but not Latino men. Our study examines variation between a dif­ferent and increasingly important target behavior, smoking level (nondaily vs daily) and acculturation by sex.</p><p><strong>Methods: </strong>An online English-language sur­vey was administered to 786 Latino smokers during July through August 2012. The Brief Acculturation Rating Scale for Mexican Americans–II (ARSMA-II) and other accul­turation markers were used. Multinomial lo­gistic regression models were implemented to assess the association between smoking levels (nondaily, light daily, and moderate/ heavy daily) with acculturation markers.</p><p><strong>Results: </strong>Greater ARMSA-II scores (rela­tive risk ratio, <em>RRR</em>=.81, 95% CI: .72-.91) and being born inside the United States (<em>RRR</em>=.42, 95% CI: .24-.74) were associated with lower relative risk of nondaily smoking. Greater Latino orientation (<em>RRR</em>=1.29, 95% CI: 1.11-1.48) and preference for Spanish language (<em>RRR</em>=1.06, 95% CI: 1.02-1.10) and media (<em>RRR</em>=1.12, 95% CI: 1.05-1.20) were associated with higher relative risk of nondaily smoking. The relationship between acculturation and smoking level did not differ by sex.</p><p><strong>Conclusion: </strong>This study found that among both male and female, English-speaking Latino smokers, nondaily smoking was associated with lower acculturation, while daily smoking was linked with higher ac­culturation.</p><p><em>Ethn Dis. </em>2018.28(2):105-114; doi:10.18865/ed.28.2.105.</p>


2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (6) ◽  
pp. 2109-2136
Author(s):  
RUPING XIAO ◽  
HSIAO-TING LIN

AbstractThis article revisits the issue of the offshore islands in the Taiwan Strait during the Cold War. Benefitting from archival materials only recently made available, specifically Chiang Kai-shek's personal diaries, CIA declassified materials, Taiwanese Foreign Ministry files, and rare publications from the Contemporary Taiwan Collection at the Library of the Institute of Oriental Culture, University of Tokyo, this research examines the cloud of suspicion surrounding the secret contacts between Taipei and Beijing leading up to and during the 1958 offshore islands crisis, elucidating how such a political tête-à-tête, and the resultant tacit consensus over the status of the islands, gradually brought about an end to the conflict between Taiwan and Communist China. In hindsight, the crises over the offshore islands along China's southeast coast momentarily brought the United States closer to war with Communist China, while putting the relationship between Taipei and Washington to a serious test. The end result, however, was that, while these isles were technically embedded in the unfinished civil war between the Chinese Nationalists and Communists, they provided, ironically, an opportunity for secret communications and, ultimately, a kind of détente between the two supposedly deadly enemies across the Taiwan Strait. A close examination of the details of these crises, along with their attendant military, political, and diplomatic complexities, reveals an amazing amount of political intrigue at both the local and international levels that has not been fully realized until now.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Suzanne Oboler

<p class="p1"><span class="s1"><strong>Resumen </strong></span>| Este trabajo procura analizar la crisis general de la noción de comunidad mediante la exploración de las maneras en que la inmigración y la integración de los inmigrantes en esta era globalizada están estimulando una forma particularmente virulenta de racismo, con raíces en la xenofobia, que está sirviendo para redefinir los mismos términos de pertenencia nacional y su expresión política en la ciudadanía<span class="s2"><strong>.</strong></span>Con enfoque particular sobre personas de ascendencia mexicana en los Estados Unidos, propongo que, en el ambiente político y económico vigente, el racismo y la xenofobia contra los inmigrantes, exacerbados por el énfasis sobre seguridad de la dinámica política, aseguran que —independientemente del estatus oficial de ciudadano— los latinos y de manera particular los mexicano-americanos se están transformando en “ciudadanos desechables”<span class="s2"><strong>.</strong></span>Más aun —una vez redefinidos como “mexicanos”, sin importar su país de origen o momento de llegada— los latinos están siendo relegados a la condición de “extraños desechables” en los Estados Unidos.</p><p class="p1"> </p><p class="p1"><strong><em>Disposable Strangers: Race and Migration in the Era of Globalization</em></strong></p> <p class="p2"><span class="s1"><strong>Abstract </strong></span>| This paper seeks to address the general crisis in the notion of community by exploring the ways that immigration and immigrant integration in the global era are stoking a particularly virulent form of racism, rooted in a xenophobia that is instrumental to redefining the very terms of national belonging and its political expression in citizenship.Focusing on the experience of people of Mexican descent in the United States I argue that, in the prevailing political and economic climate, racism and xenophobia against immigrants, exacerbated by the security focus of political dynamics, ensures that, regardless of official citizenship status, Latinos, and particularly Mexican Americans, are becoming “disposable citizens.” Moreover, now recast as “Mexicans”, Latinos, regardless of their national origin or time of arrival, are being relegated to the status of “disposable strangers” in the United States.</p><p class="p1"> </p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (12) ◽  
pp. eaay3761 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shai Davidai ◽  
Martino Ongis

The tendency to see life as zero-sum exacerbates political conflicts. Six studies (N = 3223) examine the relationship between political ideology and zero-sum thinking: the belief that one party’s gains can only be obtained at the expense of another party’s losses. We find that both liberals and conservatives view life as zero-sum when it benefits them to do so. Whereas conservatives exhibit zero-sum thinking when the status quo is challenged, liberals do so when the status quo is being upheld. Consequently, conservatives view social inequalities—where the status quo is frequently challenged—as zero-sum, but liberals view economic inequalities—where the status quo has remained relatively unchallenged in past decades—as such. Overall, these findings suggest potentially important ideological differences in perceptions of conflict—differences that are likely to have implications for understanding political divides in the United States and the difficulty of reaching bipartisan legislation.


Author(s):  
Bradley Curtis A

This chapter considers the status of treaties within the U.S. legal system. The focus is on international agreements concluded through the senatorial advice and consent process specified in Article II of the Constitution. The chapter describes that process, including the Senate’s ability to condition its consent through reservations and other qualifications. It also discusses the role of treaties as supreme law of the land, including the situations in which treaties will be considered “self-executing” and “non–self-executing,” as well as the later-in-time relationship of treaties to federal statutes. The chapter also discusses the relationship of treaties to constitutional limitations concerning the separation of powers and federalism, including the implications of the Supreme Court’s 1920 decision in Missouri v. Holland. The chapter concludes with a consideration of how the United States terminates treaties.


2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (72) ◽  
pp. 239-280
Author(s):  
Dario Kuntić

Abstract This paper examines the complex issue of the triangular relationship between China, Taiwan and the United States. Due to its importance to both China and the United States, Taiwan has burdened the relationship between the two powers as long and as fierce as any. China considers Taiwan an integral part of its territory and has been unwilling to reject the use of force to settle the Taiwan issue. Under these conditions, Taiwan has chosen to balance China by aligning itself with the United States in order to avoid submission or destruction. Although the U.S. supports a “one-China” policy, it is strongly opposed to any move that could change the status quo in the Taiwan Strait by force. While both Beijing and Washington often emphasize positive engagement and dialogue, divergent interests of China and the United States over Taiwan, along with their contest for domination in East Asia, have remained a focal point of contention that could send the two powers on a collision course


Author(s):  
Joslyn Barnhart

This chapter examines the significant role that national humiliation played in shaping Soviet policy during the most dangerous period of the Cold War. It defines the relationship between the Soviets' sense of humiliation perpetuated by U.S. surveillance flyovers between 1957 and 1961 through Soviet airspace and Nikita Khrushchev's decision to break ties with the Americans and place missiles in Cuba. It also establishes the important role that humiliating events played in stimulating the symbolic competition for status on the African continent. The chapter examines the status dynamics in the period of intense status competition at the end of the nineteenth century. Just as French and German status-seeking strategies in Africa challenged the status and interests of England and Italy, the Soviet Union's attempts to seek status through material practices befitting their desired superpower status presented a potential challenge to the status of the United States.


2013 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 208-232 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yvonne Haddad

This study analyses the relationship between the Coptic community in the United States and Egyptian Copts regarding the status of Coptic citizenship in the Egyptian state. The conception of citizenship for the Coptic Christian minority has been debated since the formation of the modern nation-state and has acquired greater relevance after the revolution that brought the Muslim Brotherhood to power. One primary narrative of citizenship is promoted by the Egyptian Church. It recognises that, while Copts may not feel like equal citizens, they are devoted to their homeland. They try to promote greater equality through civil discourse, opposing foreign intervention and seeking to foster positive relations with Egypt's Muslims. While many Diaspora Copts echo the message of the Egyptian Church, a minority of activist Copts have challenged that narrative. Inculcated with ideas of Islamophobia and neoconservatism, they tend to dismiss hopes of national unity and focus rather on incidents of persecution. These diaspora activist groups continue to challenge the Coptic Church. Their policies have influenced American foreign policy and have broader implications for Muslim–Christian relations in Egypt.


Author(s):  
Bradley Curtis A

This chapter considers the status of treaties within the U.S. legal system. The focus is on international agreements concluded through the senatorial advice-and-consent process specified in Article II of the Constitution. The chapter describes that process, including the Senate’s ability to condition its consent through reservations and other qualifications. It also discusses the role of treaties as supreme law of the land, including the situations in which treaties will be considered “self-executing” and “non–self-executing,” as well as the later-in-time relationship of treaties to federal statutes. The chapter also discusses the relationship of treaties to constitutional limitations concerning the separation of powers and federalism, including the implications of the Supreme Court’s 1920 decision in Missouri v. Holland. The chapter concludes with a consideration of the president’s constitutional authority to withdraw the United States from treaties.


2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 453-456
Author(s):  
Armando A. Arias

This is a book review of Insurgent Aztlán: The Liberating Power of Cultural Resistance, written by Ernesto Todd Mireles and published in 2020 by Somos en escrito Literary Foundation Press in Berkeley, California. As the subtitle indicates, this book is about the liberating power of cultural resistance, and in this case the subjects of cultural resistance are Mexican Americans in the South West of the United States of America (USA) who identify themselves as Xicanos. The author, who is a Xicano scholar and organizer, reconstructs the relationship between social and political insurgent theory and Xicano literature, films and myths. Based on decades of organizing experience and a scholarly review of the writings of recognized observers and leaders of national liberation movements, the author provides a remarkable work of scholarship that incorporates not only the essence of earlier resistance writing but also provides a new paradigm of liberation for the particular situation of Mexican Americans in the USA.


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