تقييم واقع أداء الجامعات بقطاع غزة وفقا لنموذج بالدريج : دراسة استكشافية = Assessing the Status of the Universities Performance in the Gaza Strip Based on Baldrige Model : An Exploratory Study

2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 67-95
Author(s):  
مروان حمودة الدهدار
Keyword(s):  
Exploratory Study ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Gaza Strip

An account of the 2008 Syrian–Israeli negotiations in Turkey

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-114
Author(s):  
Milad Alodet Allah
Keyword(s):  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
As If

This article examines the indirect negotiations that took place between Syria and Israel in 2008. The five rounds of talks were hosted under the auspices of Turkey, acting as a mediator between the two countries which had not held talks for eight years. The discussions focused on the status of the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights, as well as issues including borders, water and Syria's alliances with Iran, Hezbollah, Hamas and others. Although it seemed as if a peace agreement could be reached with benefits to both Syria and Israel, political obstacles and the Israeli attack on the Gaza Strip eventually led to the talks being suspended in December 2008.

International humanitarian law, ICRC and Israel's status in the Territories

2012 ◽  
Vol 94 (888) ◽  
pp. 1511-1521 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Baker
Keyword(s):  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Red Cross ◽  
International Humanitarian Law ◽  
Humanitarian Law ◽  
The West ◽  
Humanitarian Action ◽  
The Status ◽  
Settlement Policy ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
East Jerusalem

This article discusses contentions voiced by ICRC President Maurer in a speech on ‘Challenges to humanitarian action in contemporary conflicts: Israel, the Middle East and beyond’, developed in the form of the article in this issue of the International Review of the Red Cross.It discusses challenges to international humanitarian law in situations where one party violates humanitarian norms, and questions some ICRC contentions and assumptions regarding the status of the West Bank territories, the status of Israel-Palestinian agreements, the status of the Gaza Strip, the concept of ‘occupation’, Israel's settlement policy, Israel's separation barrier, East Jerusalem, and concludes with a discussion of ICRC policies of confidentiality, as opposed to public engagement.

scholarly journals Will the water resources of Israel, Palestine and Jordan remain sufficient to permit economic and social development for the foreseeable future?

Water Policy ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 397-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Chenoweth
Keyword(s):  
Water Resources ◽  
Scenario Analysis ◽  
West Bank ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
The West ◽  
The Status ◽  
Climatic Scenarios ◽  
West Bank And Gaza ◽  
The Gaza Strip

Scenario analysis suggests that by 2050 the population of Israel, the West Bank and Gaza Strip and Jordan will have grown from 17.2 million to between 21.1 and 38.5 million people. These population scenarios are compared to a range of water resource scenarios that consider the effect of climate change, a possible redistribution of the region's shared water resources as a result of a peace agreement, or the status quo. This scenario analysis shows that under all possible population-water scenarios combinations considered, the water resources of Jordan and Israel remain above the minimum threshold required for social and economic development. In the case of the West Bank, water resources may also remain sufficient for all population and climatic scenarios if the West Bank gains a greater portion of the shared water resources. In the Gaza Strip, however, desalination or water imports are required.

scholarly journals Agriculture Status and Women’s Role in Agriculture Production and Rural Transformation in the Occupied Palestinian Territories

2019 ◽  
pp. 132-150
Author(s):  
Hilmi S. Salem
Keyword(s):  
Rural Areas ◽  
Agricultural Sector ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Women's Labor ◽  
The West ◽  
Agriculture Sector ◽  
Palestinian Territories ◽  
Palestinian Women ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Gaza Strip

This paper focuses on the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT), comprised of the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip, with respect to the status of agriculture and the role of Palestinian women in the agriculture sector, water management, and agricultural sustainability in rural areas in the OPT. Recent estimates indicate that 15.4% and 7.8% of the total employed are employed in the agriculture sector in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, respectively. Despite the fact that the contribution of the agriculture sector to the GDP has decreased to 3% only, this sector is still hosting until recently 7.5%–10.5%, on average, of the employed in the OPT. Palestinian women only compose 18% of the labor force, and a little bit more than one fifth of them (22%, which is equivalent to around 4% of the women’s labor force) contribute to the agricultural sector in the OPT. However, most of women’s labor in the informal sector remains hidden and, thus, their contribution to the agriculture sector in the form of home-based activities is much higher than what is officially reported. Over 30% of informal agricultural work is performed by women as part of their domestic responsibilities. In addition, Palestinian women work at home as well as in the field, contributing effectively to the agriculture sector (plant and animal production) and, thus, to sustainable development in the OPT. With respect to water resources, women in rural areas play a considerable role in making water available for domestic and agricultural use, either by bringing water from far distances or getting water from springs and domestic harvesting wells (cisterns). Despite the fact that the status of agriculture in the OPT is really bad and getting even worse, and despite the presence of economic, financial, and political hardships and challenges, Palestinian women have obviously contributed to the agricultural sector towards achieving sustainable development in their communities in the OPT’s rural areas.

Coordinated Mobility: Disrupting Narratives of Convergence in the Irregular Migration of Youth from the Gaza Strip

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-110
Author(s):  
Caitlin Procter
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Political Agency ◽  
Human Smuggling ◽  
Irregular Migration ◽  
Ethnographic Fieldwork ◽  
The World ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Gaza Strip

Abstract This article confronts the assumption that when irregular migration takes place in a context deemed to be terrorist, the two converge. The analysis is drawn from ethnographic fieldwork with young people engaged in the process of irregular migration from the Gaza Strip in occupied Palestine – a place often described as the largest open-air prison in the world. By analysing the process through which young people “coordinate” their movement out of Gaza, and their primary motivations for doing so, the article disrupts the idea of an incumbent criminal convergence of terrorism, irregular migration and human smuggling. It contributes to the growing literature which argues that, rather than operating with or through organized terrorist or criminal networks, the facilitation of irregular migration draws on improvised praxis. In the case of Gaza, it is also undertaken by youth in protest of the status quo of over twelve years of Israeli-Egyptian blockade of the Gaza strip, and the rule of the Hamas authority throughout this period. By attending to the experiences of youth in Gaza, the article explains the layers of economic and political agency that enable mobility in what is typically considered to be a highly immobile context.

The Implications of Joining the ICC after Operation Protective Edge

2014 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-73
Author(s):  
Victor Kattan
Keyword(s):  
International Criminal Court ◽  
Rome Statute ◽  
International Criminal ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Criminal Court ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Status ◽  
Alternative Measures ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
Political Spectrum

Since the summer 2014 Israeli assault on the Gaza Strip, the calls have grown louder for Palestine to ratify the Rome Statute and join the International Criminal Court (ICC). Palestinian factions across the political spectrum have indicated that they would support such a move. But in spite of gaining the status of an observer-state at the United Nations, Palestine has yet to join the ICC. While acceding to the Rome Statute and filing the application to the ICC is a relatively straightforward process, there are numerous risk factors involved. This article investigates a variety of possible scenarios and their likely outcomes, including the legal mechanisms necessary for acceding to the Rome Statute, and alternative measures that the Palestinian leadership might envisage.

Living in a Legal Vacuum: The Case of Israel's Legal Position and Policy towards Gaza Residents

2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-234 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michal Luft
Keyword(s):  
Legal Status ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
International Humanitarian Law ◽  
Continuous Control ◽  
Humanitarian Law ◽  
Policy And Practice ◽  
The Status ◽  
Legal Position ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
Academic Debate

The legal status of the Gaza Strip following the 2005 Israeli ‘Disengagement’, as well as the applicability of the laws of belligerent occupation with regard to this territory, have sparked, and continue to generate, a lively academic debate, involving states, organisations and legal scholars. Nevertheless, this debate has seldom included an examination of the de facto policy exercised by Israel vis-à-vis Gaza residents themselves.This article seeks to fill the gap by providing a thorough examination of Israel's legal position towards the residents of Gaza, and a critical analysis of its policy and practice with regard to their movement as well as the movement of goods. This review, based on dozens of policy papers, regulations and procedures, as well as numerous judgments handed down by Israeli courts, reveals that Israel maintains a deliberately deficient and ambiguous legal position with regard to the status of Gaza residents. Under this position, the residents are merely ‘foreign residents’ who have no particular rights in relation to Israel. I argue that this position establishes a major legal vacuum in the protection afforded to Gaza residents and is therefore incompatible with both the reality of Israel's continuous control over Gaza as well as the objects and norms of international humanitarian law.

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