scholarly journals O Herói Mujahid e o Recrutamento: A Violência Como Meio de Mobilização l The Mujahid Hero and Recruitment: The Violence As an Instrument of Mobilization

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. e58912
Author(s):  
Leandro Loureiro Costa
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Imagined Communities ◽  
English Speakers ◽  
Governance Structures ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Ideological Bias ◽  
State Present ◽  
Extremist Groups

A partir do século XXI, grupos extremistas ganharam força ao propor o realinhamento radical entre estruturas de governança e comunidades imaginadas. Para isso, reinventam narrativas e criam personificações de antagonismo e heroísmo. Embates ontológicos são reforçados de maneira a formar e unir comunidades através da bravura e da violência. A noção de heroísmo nas Relações Internacionais foi aplicada nas narrativas do Estado Islâmico presentes na revista Rumiyah, destinada aos anglofalantes. Notou-se o uso do heroísmo como maneira de angariar apoiadores através de duas características: a violência e o autossacrifício. Assim, essas especificidades, aliadas a um viés ideológico, recrutam pessoas dispostas a imitarem os “heróis” dessa organização, conhecidos como mujahidin.Palavras-Chave: Jihadismo; Estado Islâmico; Heroísmo e Violência.ABSTRACTSince the beginning of the 21st century, extremist groups gained relevance by proposing a radical realignment between governance structures and imagined communities. In that case, they reinvent narratives and create personifications of antagonism and heroism. Ontological clashes are reinforced in order to form and unite communities through bravery and violence. The notion of heroism in International Relations was applied in the narratives of the Islamic State present in the magazine Rumiyah, addressed to english speakers. The use of heroism was noted as a way of attracting supporters through two characteristics: violence and self-sacrifice. Thus, these specificities, combined with an ideological bias, do recruit people willing to imitate the “heroes” of this organization, known as mujahidin.Keywords: Jihadism; Islamic State; Heroism and Violence. Recebido em: 04/04/2021 | Aceito em: 09/06/2021. 

Libyan discontent could risk further destabilisation

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Governance Structures ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Vulnerable Youth ◽  
Standards Of Living ◽  
Oil Exports ◽  
Extremist Groups

Significance Since late August both governments have been challenged by a wave of demonstrations protesting endemic corruption and deteriorating standards of living -- partly as a result of a blockade of oil exports since January by eastern authorities. Some rallies have been met with violence. Impacts Protests and violent attempts to quash them are likely to shake what little faith ordinary Libyans retain in existing governance structures. Protesters may target key infrastructure -- including oil -- hoping to make their voices heard, risking another shock to the economy. Extremist groups, including Islamic State, could seek to exploit grievances underpinning the protests, recruiting vulnerable youth.

The War of US against ISIS in Psychological Warfare and Internet as the New Frontline

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 129
Author(s):  
Urtak Hamiti
Keyword(s):  
21St Century ◽  
Barack Obama ◽  
Good News ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Media Center ◽  
The People ◽  
Psychological Warfare ◽  
The Media ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Hearts And Minds

Barbaric, savage, horrific-these were terms to define the decision of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) to murder its captured Jordanian pilot by burning him alive inspired a thesaurus of horror and revulsion. The men who did it, the perpetrators were described by the media as mad men, thugs, monsters. To most of the people, the act itself seemed inexplicable and without sense. However, behind the choreographed and videotaped violence lies a calculated horrible cold logic. Although, ISIS is often portrait as a mighty force on the ground in Syria and Iraq, facts state that they control mainly communications between various provinces in both countries, and, as most guerrilla armies, are militarily weak by conventional measure. ISIS has little or almost none defense against the bombing campaign that is facing now, while US has formed a coalition that is confronting them on the ground as well, after President Barack Obama published the “New Security Doctrine” which includes degrading and finally destroying ISIS. ISIS, however, have proven to be very organized in promoting dramatic acts of violence against their enemies and promoting them two achieve two goals: use terror tactics as a psychological weapon against all those facing them and all those that are to face them in combat. Secondly, through usage of social network platforms to promote killings and executions, the aim of ISIS is to encourage recruits from out of Syria and Iraq, and elsewhere, to join them in their cause. Online operations of ISIS fall under a production group called the Al Hayat Media Center. The Center was created to seduce Westerners into joining the ranks of ISIS and also to distribute propaganda through social and media platforms. It is difficult to assess the success of this operation, but solid sources provided by US military and intelligence estimate that at least 300 Americans are fighting in the ranks of ISIS (at least two Americans have been killed fighting for ISIS in Iraq/Syria region) while the number of Europeans is in thousands. The US Response to this psychological kind of warfare came when President Barack Obama established the Center for Strategic Counterterrorism Communications (CSCC) aiming to combat terrorist propaganda. The main strategy of CSCC is not directly to confront ISIS operatives, but rather than that to deal with the people they are trying to recruit. Now, with almost entire international public opinion on their side, it is time for US to more actively respond to ISIS especially in the manner of psychological warfare since it is obvious that operations of “winning hearts and minds” of people in Iraq and Syria are not enough compared to ruthless tactics of ISIS which “winning hearts and minds” by brute force, terror, and vivid violent images. The online propaganda war is a new component to conflicts of 21st century that allows enemies to reach one another’s home fronts directly. ISIS might seem not so strong on the ground but it has captured one fundamental flaw of the media of 21st century-the one that bad news is always good news and that televised violence will always have an audience. ISIS has proclaimed that its goal is to create a caliphate of 21st century but its psychological warfare and propaganda is inspiring individuals throughout the West to commit horrible terrorist crimes. Could this be another mind game set up by ISIS, it remains to be seen. However one thing is for certain, US and its allies must tackle ISIS not only by planes and other military means, but also by a strategy that would eliminate its influence in spreading their propaganda.

THE CONCEPT OF THE BALANCE OF FORCES IN THE 21ST CENTURY

2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (6) ◽  
pp. 1835-1847
Author(s):  
Vladimir Tomashevic ◽  
Hatidza Berisha ◽  
Aleksandar Cirakovic
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Scientific Understanding ◽  
Theoretical Understanding ◽  
Major Powers ◽  
Realistic Theory ◽  
World Power ◽  
History Of ◽  
Balance Of Forces ◽  
Single World

In this paper the authors proceed from defining the concept of balance of forces, theoretical understanding of the balance of forces from the aspect of the scientific understanding of the realistic theory of international relations with concrete examples from the history of international relations. However, the focus of the work is an analysis of the power between a single world power (USA) and major powers (Russia, China) in a possible balance of power.The aim of the paper is to try to point out, through a relatively brief review, the possibility of establishing a balance of forces in the 21st century.

scholarly journals DIGITAL DIPLOMACY VERSUS DOWNFALL. AN AGENDA FOR INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN THE GLOBAL AGE

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. Wittmann
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
21St Century ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Digital Era ◽  
Global Challenges ◽  
Global Age ◽  
Single State ◽  
Digital Diplomacy

There are numerous global challenges facing humanity in this century. Diplomacy has to take these needs into account and contribute with profound expertise to academic and political discussions as well as societal developments. Any single state-related or disciplinary solo effort will not provide adequate answers to how humanity can manage and cope with the global risks of the 21st century. The article deals with the question of digital diplomacy versus downfall by fi rst outlining the global hazards endangering humanity as well as infl uencing world politics and international relations. Thereafter digital diplomacy as a tool to prevent humanity’s downfall is presented. Requirements for diplomats in the global age are highlighted in the following. Furthermore, visionary claims of a global turn in politics are designated and diplomacy’s contribution toward this undertaking are formulated. To close, diplomacy’s most promising way of off ering humanity its profound expertise in the digital era is set forth.

Reviewing the Reviewers: Ideological Bias in the APSR Book Section

1974 ◽  
Vol 7 (04) ◽  
pp. 370-374
Author(s):  
Michael Parenti
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Political Science ◽  
American Political Science Review ◽  
Free World ◽  
Review Section ◽  
Ideological Bias ◽  
American Political Science

I would like to give attention to that portion of theAmerican Political Science Reviewwhich is most read and least criticized, the book review section. My reading ofAPSRbook reviews in recent years leads me to the following observations:Most of the books selected for review adhere to the orthodox ideological values of today's political establishment. More importantly, these books almost invariably are reviewed by political scientists who share the same centrist ideological slant as the authors they are reviewing. In the reviews dealing with international relations, for instance, cold war terms like “totalitarianism”, “Castroism”, “subversion” and “Free World” are employed uncritically. Western capitalist nations are described as having “governments”, while socialist nations are said to have “regimes”, usually identified as being under the tutelage of one personage, hence: “Mao Tse-tung's regime”, and “Fidel Castro's Cuba”. The idea that popular sentiments and democratic in-puts might be part of the governance of countries like Cuba or China is not entertained.

International Cooperation Theory and International Institutions

2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xinyuan Dai ◽  
Duncan Snidal ◽  
Michael Sampson
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Rational Choice ◽  
International Cooperation ◽  
21St Century ◽  
International Institutions ◽  
Future Research ◽  
The Past ◽  
Game Theoretic

The study of international cooperation has emerged and evolved over the past few decades as a cornerstone of international relations research. The strategy here for reviewing such a large literature is to focus primarily on the rational choice and game theoretic approaches that instigated it and have subsequently guided its advance. Without these theoretical efforts, the study of international cooperation could not have made nearly as much progress—and it certainly would not have taken the form it does in the 21st century. Through this lens, we can identify major themes in this literature and highlight key challenges for future research

A Discussion of Kathryn Sikkink's Evidence for Hope: Making Human Rights Work in the 21st Century

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 818-819
Author(s):  
Alison Brysk
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
International Relations ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Individual Rights ◽  
Late Eighteenth Century ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Late Eighteenth ◽  
Universal Human Rights

Since their emergence in the late eighteenth century, doctrines of universal individual rights have been variously criticized as philosophically confused, politically inefficacious, ideologically particular, and Eurocentric. Nevertheless, today the discourse of universal human rights is more internationally widespread and influential than ever. In Evidence for Hope, leading international relations scholar Kathryn Sikkink argues that this is because human rights laws and institutions work. Sikkink rejects the notion that human rights are a Western imposition and points to a wide range of evidence that she claims demonstrates the effectiveness of human rights in bringing about a world that is appreciably improved in many ways from what it was previously. We have invited a broad range of scholars to assess Sikkink’s challenging claims.

scholarly journals In search of enemies: Donald Trump’s populist foreign policy rhetoric

Politics ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 026339572093537 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonny Hall
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Presidential Campaign ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Conventional Wisdom ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
The Us ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
New Perspective

This article asks how Donald Trump’s foreign policy rhetoric during his presidential campaign and presidency has affected US foreign policy in the area of overseas counterterrorism campaigns. Looking at two case studies – the May 2017 Arab Islamic American Summit and the US role in the counter Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) campaign, it is argued that Trump’s foreign policy rhetoric has failed to accurately describe or legitimate his administration’s counterterrorism strategy, as per the conventional wisdom. Instead, Trump’s foreign policy rhetoric has largely been aimed at creating a sense of crisis (as populism requires) to mobilise his domestic base. In making this argument about the purpose of Trump’s foreign policy rhetoric, not only does the article contribute a new perspective to the extant literature on elections, rhetoric, and US foreign policy, but also to the burgeoning scholarship on governing populists and their foreign policies. Although these findings could be unique to Trump, the article’s novel framework – combining International Relations and populism scholarship to elaborate on how the foreign arena can be used to generate a state of perpetual crisis – can hopefully be applied in other contexts.

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