The Islamic State and International Relations

Politics ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 026339572093537 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonny Hall

This article asks how Donald Trump’s foreign policy rhetoric during his presidential campaign and presidency has affected US foreign policy in the area of overseas counterterrorism campaigns. Looking at two case studies – the May 2017 Arab Islamic American Summit and the US role in the counter Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) campaign, it is argued that Trump’s foreign policy rhetoric has failed to accurately describe or legitimate his administration’s counterterrorism strategy, as per the conventional wisdom. Instead, Trump’s foreign policy rhetoric has largely been aimed at creating a sense of crisis (as populism requires) to mobilise his domestic base. In making this argument about the purpose of Trump’s foreign policy rhetoric, not only does the article contribute a new perspective to the extant literature on elections, rhetoric, and US foreign policy, but also to the burgeoning scholarship on governing populists and their foreign policies. Although these findings could be unique to Trump, the article’s novel framework – combining International Relations and populism scholarship to elaborate on how the foreign arena can be used to generate a state of perpetual crisis – can hopefully be applied in other contexts.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Haider Ala Hamoudi

"11 Florida International University Law Review 19 (2015)It is nearly impossible to describe Muslim expansionism in the centuries following the death of the Prophet Muhammad - broadly undertaken in service of the Islamic doctrine of jihad - as being somehow compatible with modern norms of international relations, including self-determination and noninterference in the affairs of other states. To detractors, this seems to suggest a certain tension in modern Muslim thought that jihadist movements have been able to exploit. Modern Muslim intellectuals, that is, are forced to somehow reconcile an expansionist past, which was not only tolerated by early jurists interpreting Islam's sacred texts but indeed exhorted by them as a duty of the Muslim community, with modern realities, where the jihad as it was historically understood has become something of an embarrassment. In so doing, the argument runs, they leave themselves exposed to the "literalist" claims of the jihadists, who can call up such sources at will and demonstrate the true Islamicity of their actions relative to modernists who can only rely on abstract principles and vague apologies that sound suspiciously Western. The purpose of this paper is to explore the fallacy of this conclusion through the examination of "lone wolf" terrorism. This form of terrorism is quite relevant not only because of its inherent danger, but also because the methods of the lone wolf terrorist have been broadly accepted by a panoply of the most extreme Islamist organizations, very much including the so called Islamic State. I will show that even if early and medieval Muslim jurists hardly incorporated a worldview that rested on principles of mutual tolerance and respect toward other states and other religions, they nonetheless regarded the jihad as a fundamentally conservative doctrine, meant to preserve the Muslim state as it was and direct violence exclusively in external directions, in an organized and systematic attempt to expand what was known as the House of Islam into the universal Muslim state. The notion of lone wolf terrorism - individually directed and organized violence, executed beyond the meaningful control of the caliph - was entirely foreign. Moreover, it depends on deliberate violation of one of classical Islam's core concepts in international relations, that of respect for the terms of a covenant of security, or aman, when granted by a non-Muslim power to a Muslim or the reverse.


2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (80) ◽  
pp. 5-32
Author(s):  
Lidija Čehulić Vukadinović ◽  
Monika Begović ◽  
Luka Jušić

AbstractAfter the collapse of the bipolar international order, NATO has been focused on its desire to eradicate Cold War divisions and to build good relations with Russia. However, the security environment, especially in Europe, is still dramatically changing. The NATO Warsaw Summit was focused especially on NATO’s deteriorated relations with Russia that affect Europe’s security. At the same time, it looked at bolstering deterrence and defence due to many concerns coming from eastern European allies about Russia’s new attitude in international relations. The Allies agreed that a dialogue with Russia rebuilding mutual trust needs to start. In the times when Europe faces major crisis from its southern and south-eastern neighbourhood - Western Balkan countries, Syria, Libya and Iraq - and other threats, such as terrorism, coming from the so-called Islamic State, causing migration crises, it is necessary to calm down relations with Russia. The article brings out the main purpose of NATO in a transformed world, with the accent on Europe, that is constantly developing new security conditions while tackling new challenges and threats.


Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
pp. 328
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Haynes

The article surveys the recent scholarly study of religion and international relations/International Relations (ir/IR). The focus of the article is on two discrete periods: pre-9 September 2001 (‘9/11’) and post-9/11. During the first time period, Iran’s Islamic revolution (1979), the civil war in former Yugoslavia and Huntington’s ‘clash of civilisations’ (1993) were major foci of attention. The second period saw a large number of scholarly accounts following the 9/11 attacks on the USA, with a sustained focus on the international securitisation of Islam. The article also briefly surveys the position of religion in IR theory. The article concludes that following the recent diminution of the threat to the West of Islamist terrorism—subsequent to the apparent demise of Islamic State and the fragmentation and dissipation of al Qaeda—the study of religion in IR theory needs to take better account of changing circumstances to arrive at a better understanding of how religion impacts on international relations/International Relations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 106-129
Author(s):  
Mohammed Nuruzzaman

Islamic theories of international relations (IR) have been traditionally dominated by debates between two distinct approaches—traditionalism and modernism. A third perspective, often labelled the ‘jihadist perspective’, has emerged following the 11 September 2001 attacks and this radical perspective principally embodies the worldview of al-Qaeda and its off-shoot the Islamic State. The jihadist perspective directly challenges the Western concepts, methods and theories of IR. This article examines how the Islamic and Western international theories clash in terms of ontological foundations, epistemological approaches and modes of inquiry. It argues that Islamic discourse on IR has contributed to the development of a set of theories to analyse and interpret relations between the Islamic and the non-Islamic world, and secondly, it implicitly presents arguments in favour of opening up IR for rather more global perspectives.


International Relations of the Middle East provides a guide to the subject of international relations in this important region. It combines the analysis of the key themes, actors, and issues with the history of the region, and insights from international experts. The text provides a thematic overview of the subject, combining history with analysis, as well as topical material and perspectives. The text also offers a wide range of perspectives, encouraging readers to think critically to formulate their own arguments and opinions. Finally, it provides current, topical insights, including developments such as the Syrian conflict, the increasing importance of Russia and China in the region, and the impact of the Trump administration. One chapter looks at Russia, China, and the Middle East and examines the role of these increasingly important actors in the region. The text also includes coverage of the most recent developments, including those relating to the conflict in Syria, the refugee crisis, so-called Islamic State, and the impact of Trump.


Author(s):  
Shpend Kursani

Abstract Most would agree that the recent emergence of the Donetsk and Lugansk Republics in Ukraine, and perhaps the Islamic State, will soon find their place in the already growing literature on contested states. Yet, despite the historical and present importance of these entities for the study of alternative forms of political authority, sovereignty, statehood, international legitimacy, as well as wars within and between states, there is very little agreement in the existing literature on what constitutes a contested state. After illustrating some of the theoretical and empirical shortcomings of the current conceptual approaches in the treatment of these entities, this article proposes and adopts an ontological approach to conceptualizing and studying contested states in international relations. I argue that the contested state's internal nature can be understood through four constitutive dimensions, which accentuate the phenomenon's distinct interaction with its environment when compared to other phenomena. The article also provides a way to resolve the discord that currently exists on what the theoretical concept of contested state ought to capture empirically, by introducing an explicit and systematic procedure when applying the concept to the empirical world. Cabe esperar que la gran mayoría coincida en que el surgimiento reciente de las repúblicas de Donetsk y Lugansk en Ucrania, y tal vez el Estado Islámico, encontrarán pronto un lugar en la literatura ya creciente sobre estados en disputa. No obstante, a pesar de la importancia histórica y actual de estas entidades para el estudio de formas alternativas de autoridad política, soberanía, estatidad, legitimación internacional, además de las guerras dentro y entre estados, el consenso en la literatura existente sobre qué constituye un estado en disputa es escaso. Tras ilustrar algunas de las limitaciones teóricas y empíricas de los abordajes conceptuales corrientes en el tratamiento de estas entidades, este artículo propone y adopta un abordaje ontológico en la conceptualización y el estudio de estados en disputa en el marco de las relaciones internacionales. Sostengo que la naturaleza interna de un estado en disputa puede comprenderse a través de cuatro dimensiones constitutivas, que acentúan la interacción distintiva de este fenómeno con su entorno cuando se lo compara con otros. Asimismo, este artículo proporciona una manera de resolver el desacuerdo que existe en la actualidad sobre qué debería abarcar en forma empírica el concepto teórico de estado en disputa al presentar un procedimiento explícito y sistemático en la aplicación del concepto al mundo empírico. Une grande majorité de personnes conviendront que l’émergence récente des républiques de Donetsk et de Lougansk en Ukraine, et éventuellement de l’État islamique, trouvera bientôt sa place dans la littérature déjà croissante portant sur les États contestés. Pourtant, malgré l'importance historique et actuelle de ces entités pour l’étude des formes alternatives d'autorité politique, de souveraineté, de statut d’État, de légitimité internationale, ainsi que des guerres intérieures et entre États, il y a très peu de consensus dans la littérature existante sur ce qui constitue un État contesté. Après avoir illustré certaines des lacunes théoriques et empiriques des approches conceptuelles actuelles du traitement de ces entités, cet article propose et adopte une approche ontologique de la conceptualisation et de l’étude des États contestés dans les relations internationales. Je soutiens que la nature interne d'un État contesté peut être comprise au travers de quatre dimensions constitutives qui accentuent l'interaction distincte du phénomène avec son environnement lorsque nous le comparons à d'autres phénomènes. Cet article fournit également un moyen de résoudre la discorde qui règne actuellement sur ce que le concept théorique d’État contesté devrait englober empiriquement, en introduisant une procédure explicite et systématique lors de l'application du concept au monde empirique.


2021 ◽  
pp. arabic cover-english cover
Author(s):  
محمد أبوغزله

This study aims at: First, examining the various opinions of the traditional theory of foreign relations from the perspective of the true Islamic religion, which historically was a reflection of the periods of the Islamic Conquests, and the reality of conflicts between the Islamic State, throughout its ages, and its enemies. Second, developing a realistic and a more adequate theoretical framework that consists with the current assumptions and concepts of international relations; but without contradicting with the principles governing the external relations of Muslim States in the past. It was not within the aims of this study to contradict jurisprudential opinions or develop others. Rather, it is an attempt to provide a better and more realistic understanding to the relations between Muslims, and other countries and societies; then, formulating the various opinions that we describe here-for the purpose of study only- as non-Traditionalism, within a framework through which the external behavior of Muslim societies or states can be interpreted from the perspective of the real teachings of Islam, not only normatively, according to the rule of "what should be; but also realistically, according to the contemporary circumstances and developments; so that any conflict between the Old, which had its legal and logical justifications, and the New, that requires more practical assumptions, will be resolved. The study has shown that some of the views of the traditional theory, specifically the division of the World into two domains, and the consideration of fight as an organizing principle of foreign relations in Islam, are not realistic. In addition, the Quranic texts that deal with this issue indicate, clearly, that peace is the legal basis for these relations. Accordingly, five general principles underpinning the contemporary Islamic theory of international relations have been defined, namely: The unity of the World on the basis that Islam is a global religion; peace is the principal that governs and regulates these relations; building forces for deterrence; and using power (force) in certain cases, specifically for self-defense, defending home/country and religion; and finally rejecting preemptive wars. Key Words: International Relations in Islam, War and Peace, Traditional Theory, Contemporary Theory, Preemptive Wars. تهدف هذه الدارسة إلى: أولاً، مراجعة آراءِ النظرية التقليدية الخاصة بالعلاقات الخارجية من منظور الدين الإسلامي الحنيف؛ والتي كانت تاريخياً انعكاساً لفترات الفتوحات الإسلامية، ولواقع النزاعات بين الدولة الإسلامية في مراحلها المختلفة، وأعدائها من الدول والإمبراطوريات المنافسة. وثانيا، بلورة إطار نظري واقعي وملائم ينسجم ومعطيات العصر ومفاهيمه؛ ولكن دون أن يتعارض مع القواعد الحاكمة لعلاقات الدولة والمجتمعات الإسلامية الخارجية في السابق. ولم يكن من أهداف هذه الدراسة مطلقاً، مخالفة اجتهادات فقهية أو استحداث أخرى؛ وإنما هي محاولة لتقديم فهم أفضل، وأكثر واقعية، للعلاقات بين المسلمين، وبين غيرهم من الدول والمجتمعات؛ ومن ثم صياغة الآراء، التي يمكننا وصفها هنا –لأغراض التمييز فقط-بالغير تقليدية، في إطار يُمكن من خلاله تفسير السلوك الخارجي للدولة من منظور الدين الإسلامي، ليس قِيَميّا وفق قاعدة "ما يجب أن يكون" فقط،-كما هو شائع في معظم أو ربما كل الدراسات التي تناولت هذا الموضوع المهم-، وإنما أيضاً واقعياً، وفق ما تفرضه الظروف والمستجدات المعاصرة؛ بحيث يُزال أي تعارض بين القديم، الذي كان له ظروفه ومبرراته الشرعية والمنطقية؛ والمستجد، الذي يتطلب طروحات أكثر عملية. وقد أظهرت الدراسة أن بعض آراء النظرية التقليدية، وتحديداً الخاصة بتقسيم العالم إلى دارين، واعتبار القتال أساس حاكم ومنظم للعلاقات الخارجية في الإسلام، ليست واقعية. كما أن النصوص القرآنية التي عالجت هذه المسألة، تشير بوضوح إلى أن السلم هو الأساس الشرعي لهذه العلاقات. وعليه فقد تم تحديد خمسة مبادئ عامة تقوم عليها النظرية الإسلامية المعاصرة للعلاقات الدولية، وهي: وحدة العالم على أساس أن الإسلام دين عالمي؛ والسلم كأساس حاكم ومنظم لهذه العلاقات؛ وبناء القوة للردع؛ واستخدامها في حالات محددة، وهي الدفاع عن النفس والدين والبلاد؛ ورفض الحروب الوقائية. كلمات دالة: علاقات دولية في الإسلام، السلم والحرب، النظرية التقليدية، النظرية المعاصرة، حروب وقائية.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. e58912
Author(s):  
Leandro Loureiro Costa

A partir do século XXI, grupos extremistas ganharam força ao propor o realinhamento radical entre estruturas de governança e comunidades imaginadas. Para isso, reinventam narrativas e criam personificações de antagonismo e heroísmo. Embates ontológicos são reforçados de maneira a formar e unir comunidades através da bravura e da violência. A noção de heroísmo nas Relações Internacionais foi aplicada nas narrativas do Estado Islâmico presentes na revista Rumiyah, destinada aos anglofalantes. Notou-se o uso do heroísmo como maneira de angariar apoiadores através de duas características: a violência e o autossacrifício. Assim, essas especificidades, aliadas a um viés ideológico, recrutam pessoas dispostas a imitarem os “heróis” dessa organização, conhecidos como mujahidin.Palavras-Chave: Jihadismo; Estado Islâmico; Heroísmo e Violência.ABSTRACTSince the beginning of the 21st century, extremist groups gained relevance by proposing a radical realignment between governance structures and imagined communities. In that case, they reinvent narratives and create personifications of antagonism and heroism. Ontological clashes are reinforced in order to form and unite communities through bravery and violence. The notion of heroism in International Relations was applied in the narratives of the Islamic State present in the magazine Rumiyah, addressed to english speakers. The use of heroism was noted as a way of attracting supporters through two characteristics: violence and self-sacrifice. Thus, these specificities, combined with an ideological bias, do recruit people willing to imitate the “heroes” of this organization, known as mujahidin.Keywords: Jihadism; Islamic State; Heroism and Violence. Recebido em: 04/04/2021 | Aceito em: 09/06/2021. 


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