The Role of the Tushi People in the Socio-Political Relations of Georgia (XVI−XIX centuries)

Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Kirill V. Vertyaev ◽  

The article develops the stadial formation thesis of the proto-statehood among the Iraqi Kurds. The concept of national identity of the Iraqi Kurds remains the subject of a complex and long-lasting discussion. The main obstacle for the emergence of the Kurdish integral nationalism is still the fact that the Kurds speak different dialects of Kurdish language, and still maintain political and inter-clan conflicts over the distribution of power (not to mention the futility of any attempts to define political boundaries of Iraqi Kurdistan). Ironically, Great Britain faced practically the same contradictions during its occupation of Mesopotamia at the end of the WWI (following the Mudros armistice in October 1918), when British attempts to create an independent Kurdish state failed for a number of reasons, which are discussed in the article. In our opinion, this period was responsible for the formation of proto-statehood in Kurdish area (Kingdom of Kurdistan, for example, obtained classic characteristics of a chiefdom, but at the same time had a vivid anti-colonial, anti-imperialist orientation). The phenomenology of the British government’s political relations with such ‘quasi-states’ presents the subject for this article’s analysis.


2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 645-662
Author(s):  
Franco Zappettini

This paper discusses how emotions were mobilised by the British tabloid press as discursive strategies of persuasion during the public debate on the implementation of Brexit. Using the case study of the Suns coverage of the alleged UKs humiliation at the Salzburg meeting (2018) during the Brexit negotiations, the analysis addresses the questions of how and through which linguistic means actors and events were framed discursively in such an article. The findings suggest that The Sun elicited emotions of fear, frustration, pride, and freedom to frame Brexit along a long-established narrative of domination and national heroism. The discourse was also sustained by a discursive prosody in keeping with a satirical genre and a populist register that have often characterised the British tabloid press. In particular the linguistic analysis has shown how antagonistic representations of the UK and the EU were driven by an allegory of incompetent gangsterism and morally justified resistance. Emotionalisation in the article was thus aimed both at ridiculing the EU and at representing it as a criminal organisation. Such framing was instrumental in pushing the newspaper agenda as much as in legitimising and institutionalising harder forms of Brexit with the tabloids readership. Approaching journalist discourse at the intersection of affective, stylistic, and political dimensions of communication, this paper extends the body of literature on the instrumental use of emotive arguments and populist narratives and on the wider historical role of tabloid journalism in representing political relations. between the UK and the EU.


Diplomatica ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 270-290
Author(s):  
Guido van Meersbergen

Abstract This article examines the role of gift exchanges in political relations between the East India Company and the Mughal imperial administration. Focusing on the period 1670–1720, it discusses the items selected for presentation, the occasions at which they changed hands, and the hierarchical relationships expressed and acknowledged through these transactions. It argues that in exchanges both with the central court and with provincial authorities, transfers of valuables in cash and kind between English and Indian actors were embedded in a wider imperial discourse regarding sovereignty and service. By acknowledging the continuum running from courtly engagements to everyday political interactions at local sites of power, a notion of Company diplomacy comes into view that straddled the boundaries between inter-polity relations and intra-imperial solicitation. As such, the case study invites us to rethink our notion of diplomacy as it pertained to relations between the English Company and Mughal state.


Author(s):  
Ivan Tychyna

The article is devoted to the history study of the formation and functioning of district societies «Prosvita»in Volyn between the two world wars. The formation of the public-educational organization in Volyn was in 1918 and functioned up to the end of the 30s of the twentieth century in the region, until it was banned by the Polish authorities. The article analyzes the main directions of the educational work of the society, national cultural work on the background of development and changes in socio-political relations. The role of the Ukrainian intellectuals in the preservation and development of culture and education in Volyn voivodeship between the two world wars was revealed. The author highlighted the achievements and untapped opportunities of the district Prosvita in Volyn, the difficulties and problems, which the society faced and followed the relationship between Prosvita and the Polish state administration in Volyn voivodeship. Keywords: Prosvita, Volyn, Volyn voivodeship, Galicia, Polish authorities, Ukrainian schooling, publishing, reading libraries, repressions, de-nationalization


Author(s):  
James Goodman

Climate change is often said to herald the anthropocene, where humans become active participants in the remaking of global geology. The corollary of the wide acceptance of a geological anthropocene is the emergence of a new form of self-aware climate agency. With awareness comes blame, invoking responsibility for action. What kind of social action arises from climate agency has become the critical question of our era. In the context of climate deterioration, the prevalence of inaction is itself an exercise of agency, creating in its path new fields of social struggle. The opening sphere of climate agency has the effect of subsuming other fields, reconfiguring established categories of human justice and ethical well-being. In this respect we can think of climate agency as having a distinctive, even revolutionary logic, which remains emergent, enveloping multiple aspects of social action. From this perspective the question of climate change and social movement participation is centrally important. To what extent is something that we can characterize as “climate agency” emerging through social movement participation? What potential has this phenomenon to develop beyond ideological confinement and delimitation to make wider and transformative claims on society? A genuine social movement, we are taught from history, is indeed a transformative force capable of remaking social and political relations. It remains unclear, but what are the emergent dynamics of climate movement participation that depart from established systemic parameters, to offer such a challenge? How are such developments reconfiguring “climate change communication,” forcing an insurgent element into the polity? Though scholarship addressing these questions on social movement participation and climate change exists, the field undoubtedly remains relatively underdeveloped. This reflects the extent to which inquiry into climate change has been dominated by scientific and economic discourses. It also reflects the difficulty that social science, and specifically political sociology, the “home” of social movement studies, has had in apprehending the scope of the challenge. Climate change can disrupt deeply sedimented assumptions about the relationship between social movements and capitalist modernity, and force a reconsideration of the role of social movements across developmentalist hierarchies. Such rethinking can be theoretically challenging, and force new approaches into view. These possibilities reflect the broader challenges to political culture posed by climate change.


2014 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 130-173
Author(s):  
Grant A. Nelsestuen

This article examines a simile preserved in the fragmentary book 5 of Cicero's De Re Publica, which figures the ideal statesman (rector rei publicae) in terms of a farm bailiff (vilicus) and a household steward (dispensator). Through a philological, philosophical, and socio-cultural explication of these similes and their context within De Re Publica, this article argues that Cicero draws upon Greek philosophical treatments of household and political relations and reworks traditional Roman political ideology so as to refigure the conceptual relationship between the statesman and the state: from the farmer of res publica to its subservient, yet still overseeing, bailiff. By casting the ideal statesman in the decidedly servile role of a public bailiff, Cicero subordinates his statesman to res publica, yet also empowers him to act as its jurisprudential overseer, and this change marks a significant and perhaps strikingly original contribution to Roman political thought.


Author(s):  
I.N. Ponomarenko ◽  
◽  
V.A. Kryzhanovskaya ◽  
N.A. Segal ◽  
◽  
...  

The article analyzes the asymmetrical basis of the antithesis with the opposition self / other in modern mediatexts. The aim is to state and interpret the peculiar linguistic realization of the asymmetrical basis of the antithesis with the opposition self / other in modern mediatexts. The study systematizes theoretical statements arguing asymmetrical relations as basic characteristics of language and text. Besides, it proves dominating role of asymmetry in modelling Russian media space. The article highlights that media discourse asymmetry, which became the object of scientific research only in the last decade, is caused by the manipulative character of media texts. As a result of factual material analysis, there was made a conclusion that early XXI century mediatexts are a priori asymmetrical. They contain both communicative and linguistic asymmetry resting mainly on contrast between linguistic and contextual antonyms which demonstrate diametrically opposite political views and divide political space into self and other. Antithesis self / other is not only a key opposition of political discourse; it also models socio-political relations. The article contains analysis of the opposition self / other as well as its explicators we / they, friend / enemy used in mediatexts. The study proves axiological fixedness of all explicators of the antithesis opposition conditioned by both linguistic and extra linguistic reasons. The authors draw the conclusion that actual mediatext based on the antithesis with the opposition self / other is the crucial way for politicians and journalists to manipulate the subjects of political communication by forming constructive or destructive images of states, political leaders, parties or organizations. A significant result of the study is that interaction of the addresser’s and addressee’s cognitive systems is based on historical and socio-political experience, the system of values, the idea of state’s as well as individual politician’s perspective. It is combination of factors that makes the foundation for coding and decoding information, and routes realities of political world basing on the opposition self / other.


2020 ◽  
pp. 77-92
Author(s):  
Ryszard Skarzyński ◽  
Elżbieta Kużelewska

The paper discusses relations between political mobilization, security and political relations. Security is understood as a social phenomenon, clearly explained by Clausewitz in his book On War. According to Clausewitz, political relations are of key significance for understanding the phenomenon of security. This thesis is not challenged, however, it is necessary to explain why political relations are necessary. The paper consists of four parties. The first part explores security and its evolution from a historical perspective. The second part analyses relations between a war and political mobilization. In our opinion, war is something more than simple continuation of politics by other means. Part three discusses the personal security, which was not a priority for the states. The problem of security appeared in its complex form only when people became ready to fight as a result of political mobilization, and with the creation of stable political organization. Section 4 describes political security and its consequences. We conclude that the product of the global political mobilization is polyarchy which principally changes the problem of social and political security. Within the framework of regional polyarchy the system of security of states in the area occupied by it is possible. As a result of creating a global polyarchy the universal system of security has become real. The role of army has changed and to an ever decreasing extent fulfils the function of a traditional army. Mercenaries lost their importance (however, not completely) and later also the military troops acting on behalf of the state.


Author(s):  
Akhmadjon Kholikulov ◽  
◽  
Ozodbek Nematovich Nematov ◽  

Information on political relations between the government of the Emirate of Bukhara and the principalities of the Kashkadarya oasis in the early XIX-XX centuries is reflected in the works of local historians and Russian tourists, diplomats, the military. Local historians such as Muhammad Mirolim Bukhari, Muhammad Siddiq, Mirzo Abdulazim Somi, Mushrif Bukhari, Ahmad Donish, Mirzo Salimbek, who lived and worked during this period, were government officials and dedicated their works to the reigns of the Mangit emirs.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document