Do the Arrangements of Political Regimes Shape Policy Choices and Policy Outcomes?

2005 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-85
Author(s):  
Luca Murrau

Abstract This work presents an overview of the literature on political process formation and the role of institutions in economic development. The first category refers to works describing models of citizen candidacy and candidate choice in which different scenarios of equilibrium under plurality rule elections are examinated. The second category includes the main empirical works studying the chain existing between political institutional features and different paths of economic development. Finally, I describe a model of comparative politics. Specifically, I compare two different political regimes, congressional-presidential regime and parliamentary regime, giving insights on policy choices and economic outcomes.

Author(s):  
Yu. S. Medvedev

The concept of competitive authoritarianism by Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way has become one of the compelling responses to the decline of the transition paradigm that used to hold optimistic expectations about democratization of political regimes that combined elements of democracy and authoritarianism. According to Levitsky and Way’s logic, the presence of an authoritarian component does not allow one to characterize such mixed regimes as democratic, and in this sense, competitive authoritarianism is still authoritarianism. At the same time, it differs from other forms of authoritarian regimes due to the non-illusory ability of the opposition to compete for the executive power. The concept of competitive authoritarianism has been widely used in the study of political regimes, but the resulting important need for a deeper understanding of its assumptions has given rise to a number of critical evaluations among the researchers. The main criticism of the opponents regards the operationalization of the concept of “competitive authoritarianism”, the historical limitations of its usage, as well as Levitsky and Way’s idea that competitive authoritarian regimes are predetermined to democratize if they maintain broad and close ties with the West that are regarded as some kind of frozen objective reality. The article attempts to bring together the critical arguments that have been expressed in the research literature against the concept of competitive authoritarianism, and thereby contribute to a more balanced reception of this concept in the domestic scientific discourse. According to the author’s conclusion, the main flaws of the concept are related to the interpretation of the reasons for the vulnerability/stability of competitive authoritarian regimes. The focus on the role of the West and the regime’s ability to control the political process ignores a number of other significant factors, including the ability of the opposition to counter the current government with some real alternative, which is especially important in the Russian context, where the absence of such an alternative is one of the key reasons for the exceptional stability of the authoritarian regime.


Author(s):  
Jack Corbett ◽  
Wouter Veenendaal

Chapter 8 pulls together the examples infused throughout the body of the book to show that, despite the odds, political regimes in small states—the vast majority of which are democratic—can be both remarkably adaptive and remarkably resilient. A close examination of political practices demonstrates how personalization and informal politics is the key to explaining both successes and failures. This argument has particular relevance in small states where there is increased social proximity. However, it also has wider implications for scholars of comparative politics and democratic consolidation in particular where the recent tendency has been to downplay the role of intentional agents in theoretical explanations. Most importantly, it provides a nuanced and clearer-eyed analysis of the strengths and limitations of personality-driven politics, a phenomenon of growing importance to democracies across the globe. By studying politics in small states, something is learned about large states, too.


2010 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 217-222 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miki Caul Kittilson

Integrating the behavioral and institutional approaches to comparative politics will provide a more comprehensive theoretical framework for understanding why differences in political engagement among men and women vary cross-nationally and cross-temporally. This essay advances the argument that gender-related policies and institutions are not only outcomes in the political process, but also exert powerful influence over citizens' interests, values, and perceptions of politics. This policy feedback loop has implications for a wide array of political attitudes and activities—from political interest to running for elected office. Specifically, the adoption and expansion of national policies on issues such as equal wages, childcare provision, paid maternity leave, and violence against women carry important messages to the electorate: Issues that disproportionately affect women, long considered private, have become important national policy choices.


Author(s):  
Adrian Leftwich ◽  
Heather Lyne De Ver

This chapter focuses on the role of leadership in economic development. It first defines leadership as a collective political process, not simply or solely as a function of the attributes, traits, and activities of individuals in the tradition of the “great man/woman” of history. Second, the chapter locates leadership within a theoretical context about how economic and political development happens. Third, the chapter undertakes a political analysis of how actors—as agents (individual and collective)—interpret their interests and ideas, make choices, frame and strategize their activities, and encounter and interact with each other and their interests in the context of different structures of power.


2014 ◽  
pp. 86-105
Author(s):  
M. Shabanova

The author discusses the importance of studying socio-structural factors of socio-economic development through a broader application of the economic approach. The resources of status positions of economic agents are in the spotlight. A possible platform for interdisciplinary interactions is proposed which allows to increase the contribution of both economics and sociology in improving governance at all levels.


2007 ◽  
pp. 55-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
O. Bogomolov

The article reveals the influence of the spiritual and moral atmosphere in the society on economic development. The emphasis is put especially on the role of social confidence and social justice. The author indicates also some measures on improving the worsening moral situation in Russia.


IIUC Studies ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 323-334
Author(s):  
Shafiqur Rahman ◽  
Nicholas McDonald

This paper presents the role of Islami Bank Bangladesh Limited (IBBL) to the recent economic development in Bangladesh. The study analyses published texts, articles, websites and annual report of this bank through a content analysis. Key findings of this study manifest the contribution of this bank in different areas of economic development in Bangladesh like generating employment, earning foreign remittance, strengthening rural economy, promoting ecology and green banking, boosting industrialization, developing the SMEs, assisting in foreign trade (import-export), developing the housing sector etc. This study also identifies IBBL’s significant contribution to the national exchequer. This paper contributes to the field of economic development of Bangladesh and the role of IBBL behind it and fills the gap of literature in this specific area.IIUC Studies Vol.9 December 2012: 323-334


Author(s):  
G. John Ikenberry

The end of the Cold War was a “big bang” reminiscent of earlier moments after major wars, such as the end of the Napoleonic Wars in 1815 and the end of the world wars in 1919 and 1945. But what do states that win wars do with their newfound power, and how do they use it to build order? This book examines postwar settlements in modern history, arguing that powerful countries do seek to build stable and cooperative relations, but the type of order that emerges hinges on their ability to make commitments and restrain power. The book explains that only with the spread of democracy in the twentieth century and the innovative use of international institutions—both linked to the emergence of the United States as a world power—has order been created that goes beyond balance of power politics to exhibit “constitutional” characteristics. Blending comparative politics with international relations, and history with theory, the book will be of interest to anyone concerned with the organization of world order, the role of institutions in world politics, and the lessons of past postwar settlements for today.


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