Detroit Coalition Against Police Brutality

Author(s):  
Sandra Hines

In this interview chapter, Sandra Hines, President of the Detroit Coalition Against Police Brutality, discusses the origins of the Coalition, the role that it has played in reducing police brutality and violence in Detroit and areas in which the Coalition is active within the city. Hines also critically discusses the injustices of the city’s current renaissance, framing it within racial perspectives and in the form of a ‘white takeover.’

1973 ◽  
Vol 67 (5) ◽  
pp. 208-213
Author(s):  
Brady Tyson

This is an interim, summary and provisional judgment on the Brazilian experiment of the past nine years, that is, since the military took power on April 1, 1964. To try to give an impression of the results of the interaction among the values of political democracy, equality, and economic growth, and the present levels compared with those of 1964 as well as what appear to be the trends. I have chosen six “indicators”:(1)the autonomy and integrity of the legal system;(2)torture and police brutality;(3)freedom of the mass media;(4)income distribution patterns;(5)education distribution patterns; and(6)the quality of life of the people of the city of greater São Paulo.


2018 ◽  
pp. 75-109
Author(s):  
Mary-Elizabeth B. Murphy

This chapter chronicles patterns of racialized and gendered interracial police brutality in Washington, D.C. and the efforts of black women and men to end this violence. Between 1928 and 1938 white police officers in the city shot and killed forty black men in the city. While white officers did not shoot and kill black women and girls, but subjected at least twenty nine to a range of violent behaviors, including street harassment, racial epithets, physical assaults, and intrusions into their homes. In addition to these abusive encounters, white officers employed a double standard by refusing to conduct investigates when black women were abused, raped, or murdered; this was a form of negligence. Black women who were the victims of police violence resisted interracial policy brutality by fighting back, alerting the press, and pleading innocence in police court. Black women activists joined with men to stem the crisis of interracial police violence through protest parades, mock trials, mass meetings, and congressional lobbying.


Walking Raddy ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 31-44
Author(s):  
LaKisha Michelle Simmons

In this chapter, LaKisha Simmons argues that the Jim Crow streets in New Orleans were sites of racial violence for black women and girls. By exploring cases of assault and police brutality on the city streets during segregation, the chapter contends that bodily vulnerability defined black womanhood. Yet despite the violence and trauma of Jim Crow life, black women went out on the streets in search of pleasure. Simmons contends that the Million Dollar Baby Dolls declared their humanity and reclaimed their bodies by seeking out pleasure. Simmons analyzes Ralston Crawford photographs of black women dancing and partying to better understand pleasure geographies and black female performance culture in New Orleans during segregation.


Author(s):  
Kelly Lytle Hernández

The sixth chapter spans the decades between the 1920s and the 1960s. In these years, as Los Angeles took center stage in the nation’s landscape of jails and prisons, the population of African Americans incarcerated in Los Angeles shot from politically irrelevant and slightly disproportionate to politically dominant and stunningly disproportionate. It has remained so ever since. Chapter 6 tracks the origins of the incarceration of blacks in Los Angeles. In particular, it details why and how black incarceration so disproportionately followed the expansion of L.A.’s African American community. Moreover, by exhuming the first recorded killing of a young black male by the LA PD, which occurred in South Central Los Angeles on the evening of April 24, 1927, this chapter details why and how police brutality so closely accompanied black incarceration in the city. It is a brutal history attended by persistent—and, in time, explosive—black protest, tracking how community members fought police brutality between 1927 and the outbreak of the Watts Rebellion in 1965. Indeed, race, policing, and protest became inextricable as Los Angeles advanced toward becoming the carceral capital of the United States.


2021 ◽  
pp. 51-70
Author(s):  
Laura Warren Hill

This chapter traces the eruption of the Black community in response to police brutality, noting July 24, 1964 as one of the era's very first “race riots” that occurred in Rochester. It discusses how a response to police brutality ended as an indictment of the economic conditions in Rochester's ghettoes. It also argues that the three-day rebellion, which ended with the calling up of the National Guard, became a watershed moment in the city of Rochester. The chapter describes the impressive degree of precision that those men and women, youth and senior citizens demonstrated in the rebellion when they attacked the police and private property with vengeance, but exempted community institutions and stores with a reputation for fairness. It investigates the 1964 uprising that seared Black Rochester into the nation's conscience, noting the uprising as the beginning of a series of Black rebellions that rocked the nation's urban centers in the 1960s.


Author(s):  
Douglas J. Flowe

Chapter 1 addresses the ways Jim Crow social and economic customs and policing impacted the way African Americans used public space. By looking at work and housing discrimination and the fact that white and black working-class New Yorkers often lived close together, the chapter argues that public space was precarious, conflicts ignited frequently, and blacks needed to be inventive to survive. The chapter also charts how blacks protested, and sometimes fought back, against hostile neighbors, unfair policing, and police brutality.


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 202-203
Author(s):  
Robert Chatham

The Court of Appeals of New York held, in Council of the City of New York u. Giuliani, slip op. 02634, 1999 WL 179257 (N.Y. Mar. 30, 1999), that New York City may not privatize a public city hospital without state statutory authorization. The court found invalid a sublease of a municipal hospital operated by a public benefit corporation to a private, for-profit entity. The court reasoned that the controlling statute prescribed the operation of a municipal hospital as a government function that must be fulfilled by the public benefit corporation as long as it exists, and nothing short of legislative action could put an end to the corporation's existence.In 1969, the New York State legislature enacted the Health and Hospitals Corporation Act (HHCA), establishing the New York City Health and Hospitals Corporation (HHC) as an attempt to improve the New York City public health system. Thirty years later, on a renewed perception that the public health system was once again lacking, the city administration approved a sublease of Coney Island Hospital from HHC to PHS New York, Inc. (PHS), a private, for-profit entity.


ASHA Leader ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 18 (7) ◽  
pp. 46-48

This year's Annual Convention features some sweet new twists like ice cream and free wi-fi. But it also draws on a rich history as it returns to Chicago, the city where the association's seeds were planted way back in 1930. Read on through our special convention section for a full flavor of can't-miss events, helpful tips, and speakers who remind why you do what you do.


ASHA Leader ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (7) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sean Sweeney
Keyword(s):  

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