Inflation and Investment Controls in China: The Political Economy of Central-Local Relations During the Reform Era, and: Productive Performance in Chinese Enterprises: An Empirical Study (review)

1998 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 148-152
Author(s):  
Mike W. Peng
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Empirical Study ◽  
The Political ◽  
Productive Performance ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Chinese Enterprises

The Political Economy of Aleppo in an Age of Ottoman Reform

2009 ◽  
Vol 53 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 290-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Masters Masters*
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Regional Trade ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Agricultural Resources ◽  
Marked Decline ◽  
Euphrates Valley ◽  
The Way

AbstractThe return of Ottoman rule to Aleppo in 1840 corresponded with the inauguration of the reform era (1839-76). Although the central Ottoman state could not have foreseen the outcome, these political reforms undermined its economic sovereignty in two key areas. The Ottoman land reform law of 1858 and schemes to settle the Bedouin in northern Syria enabled Aleppo’s political elite to scramble for the steppe lands of the Euphrates valley and ultimately paved the way for European capitalists to exploit the agricultural resources of the region. Additionally, attempts to control the abuses of the capitulatory system provoked a marked decline in the relative fortunes of the city’s traditional commercial elite, with much of the internal regional trade shifting into the hands of European merchants.Le retour des Ottomans à Alep en 1840 correspond au début de la période de réformes (1839-1876). Bien que l’état central ottoman n’eût pas pu prévoir leurs conséquences, ces réformes politiques ont miné sa souveraineté économique dans deux régions clé. Le code foncier ottomane de 1858 et les projets visant à la sédentarisation des Bédouins dans la Syrie du Nord ont permis à l’élite politique d’Alep une ruée vers les steppes de la vallée de l’Euphrate et ont fini par préparer le chemin aux capitalistes européens qui sont venus exploiter les ressources agricoles de la région. En outre, les tentatives d’obtenir le contrôle des abus du système capitulaire ont provoqué le déclin marqué des fortunes concernées de l’élite commerciale traditionnelle car une grande partie du commerce intérieure régio-nale tombait dans les mains des négociants européens.

The Political Economy of EU-funds: Evidence from Poland

2017 ◽  
Vol 237 (3) ◽  
pp. 191-224 ◽  
Author(s):  
Monika Banaszewska ◽  
Ivo Bischoff
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Empirical Study ◽  
Local Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Minor Role ◽  
Regional Government ◽  
Self Interest ◽  
Per Capita ◽  
Primary Focus ◽  
A Minor

Abstract We provide an empirical study analysing the distribution of EU funds among 2478 Polish municipalities in the period 2007–2011. EU funds are found to be concentrated in smaller municipalities and economically weak sub-regions, and do not increase in the municipalities’ fiscal capacity. Our primary focus rests on the question whether regional governments follow their own political self-interest when allocating EU funds even though national parties only play a minor role in Polish local politics and thus the conventional logic of supporting aligned governments does not apply. Difference-in-difference estimations show that the answer is affirmative: Municipalities whose voters are aligned with the regional government receive more EU funds per capita than non-aligned municipalities. Furthermore, we find support for the swing-district hypothesis: EU funds per capita decrease in the vote-share differential between the two leading parties.

scholarly journals The Political Economy of the EU Approach to the Rohingya Crisis in Myanmar

2022 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Arlo Poletti ◽  
Daniela Sicurelli
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
The Political ◽  
Chinese Enterprises ◽  
Trade Relations ◽  
Choice Making ◽  
Trade Sanctions ◽  
The Government ◽  
Trade Preferences ◽  
The Eu

European institutions have repeatedly represented the EU as an actor that can use the attractiveness of its market to promote human rights internationally. From this perspective, EU trade sanctions represent a hard power tool to push the government of states accused of major human rights violations to abide by international law. In its reaction to the Rohingya crisis in 2018, despite the European Parliament’s call for the lifting of Myanmar’s trade preferences, the Council of the EU stated that it would rather tackle the problem by taking a “constructive approach” based on dialogue. We provide a political-economy explanation of this choice, making a plausible case that the political pressures from European importers and exporters, not to jeopardise trade relations with Myanmar, prevailed over the demands of European protectionist groups and NGOs advocating a tougher position. The firms interested in maintaining preferential trade relations with Myanmar were primarily motivated by a desire to avoid a disruption of trade and investment links within global value chains (GVCs) so that they could continue competing with Chinese enterprises.

The Political Economy of Guanxi Networking in Thai-Chinese Enterprises: An Empirical Research

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-245
Author(s):  
Wan-Ping Tai
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Empirical Research ◽  
Market Economy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Business Culture ◽  
Chinese Enterprises ◽  
Economic Strategies ◽  
Research Findings

Abstract The value attached to the concept of guanxi (關係) by Chinese enterprises in Southeast Asia can be observed in their business culture. Previous scholars have attributed the success of Chinese enterprises in Southeast Asia to “guanxi networks.” The author’s observations on Thai enterprises made over a 5-year period are here used to validate their research findings. In conclusion, the author classifies Thailand as a market economy where business activities are conducted based on the value of guanxi and economic strategies.

scholarly journals The Political Economy of China’s Investment in Nigeria

2019 ◽  
pp. 192-215
Author(s):  
Omolade Adunbi ◽  
Howard Stein
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Key Agreement ◽  
The Political ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Special Economic Zones ◽  
Textile Production ◽  
Chinese Enterprises ◽  
Economic Zones ◽  
The Relationship

Nigeria’s transition to civil rule in 1999 and the eventual consolidation of a liberalized economy by successive administrations have resulted in the signing of several business deals with the Chinese government and Chinese enterprises. A key agreement was the establishment of two Chinese constructed and operated special economic zones in Lagos and Ogun States as part of a plan to create zones in five countries under the auspices of the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC). The hope was that zones would attract Chinese manufacturing businesses and help Nigeria diversify the economy away from oil dependency. This chapter will investigate the relationship between China and Nigeria in general with a focus on textile production and trade and the nature of the zones in particular to assess if China’s growing presence in Nigeria is in the image of Prometheus or Leviathan.

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