Ethnic Conflict and Civil Society: India and Beyond

2001 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 362-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ashutosh Varshney

Scholars have worked either on civil society or on ethnic conflict, but no systematic attempt has yet been made to connect the two. In an attempt to explore the possible links, this article makes two interconnected arguments. First, interethnic and intraethnic networks of civic engagement play very different roles in ethnic conflict. Because they build bridges and manage tensions, interethnic networks are agents of peace. But if communities are organized only along intraethnic lines and the interconnections with other communities are very weak (or do not exist), ethnic violence is then quite likely. Second, civic networks, both intra- and interethnic, can also be broken down into two other types: associational forms of engagement and everyday forms of engagement. This distinction is based on whether civic interaction is formal or not. Both forms of engagement, if robust, promote peace: contrariwise, their absence or weakness opens up space for ethnic violence. Of the two, however, the associational forms turn out to be sturdier than everyday engagement, especially when confronted with attempts by politicians to polarize the people along ethnic lines. Both arguments have significance for theories of ethnic conflict and social capital.

2004 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 316-341 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriel Bădescu ◽  
Paul Sum ◽  
Eric M. Uslaner

Does civic engagement lead to democratic values such as trust and tolerance? This is the claim of the literature on social capital. Using surveys of the public and organizational activists the authors conducted in Romania and Moldova in 2001 with the support of the Starr Foundation, they investigate these linkages. In both countries, they find low levels of civic engagement, trust, and tolerance for the mass public. They also find little support for the argument that participation leads to greater trust and tolerance among the mass public. However, they find considerably higher levels of trust, tolerance, and engagement among organizational activists and suggest that this elite may help transfer democratic values to the larger population. It is disconcerting that such activists constitute minuscule proportions of the population in both countries.


2012 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 552-569
Author(s):  
Marten van der Meulen

In a case study on suburban churches the author describes how religious ideas, material resources and relationships of trust together form capital that enables and limits the civic engagement of the churches. The case study is based on ethnographic research in the newly built suburb of Leidsche Rijn in the Netherlands. The author concludes that a focus on the combination of different forms of capital available in congregational networks helps to obtain a better understanding of the often noted positive relationship between religion and civic engagement. The study shows that capital has an ambiguous influence: it enables and limits civic engagement. Researchers should therefore not be overly positive about the effects of social capital. They should also be aware of the ‘essential contestedness’ of civic engagement. The way civic engagement actually works on an empirical level calls into question any easy definition that researchers may devise.


2015 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Hermansen ◽  
Thomas P. Boje

Formel frivillighed og uformel hjælp er begge kategorier under fællesbetegnelsen civilt engagement. Der er tale om begreber, der i de senere år har fået en stadig større opmærksomhed, men som det dog alligevel har været svært at afgrænse. Denne artikels formål er at belyse, hvordan sociale ressourcer og netværk indvirker på folks deltagelse i frivilligt arbejde. Der er tale om en analyse af Danmark anno 2012. Et vigtigt resultat i den empiriske analyse er, at der ikke er den store forskel på personer, der er aktive i enten formel frivillighed eller uformel hjælp, men forskellen er nok større i forhold til personer, der ikke er frivillige. Socialisering spiller dog en væsentlig rolle. Personer, der er vokset op med frivillighed, er mere tilbøjelige til at udføre formel frivillighed end andre. For dem, som udfører uformel hjælp, har tradition for frivillighed mindre betydning. Her er det primært styrken af de tætte sociale netværk, som er afgørende. Den gruppe, som adskiller sig mest fra de inaktive, er gruppen, der udfører begge former for frivillighed. Gruppen af dobbeltengagerede er kendetegnet ved at have flere ressourcer, stærkere sociale netværk, mere tillid til andre personer og dedikere meget tid til frivillighed. De har med andre ord meget social kapital. ENGELSK ABSTRACT: Jonathan Hermansen and Thomas P. Boje: Formal Volunteering and Informal Help. Two Different Forms of Civil Engagement? Formal volunteering and informal help are both examples of civic engagement. They are concepts, which have received increasing attention in recent years. The aim of this article is to analyze how social resources and networks affect the propensity to undertake formal volunteering and informal help. The data is from a survey of volunteering in Denmark from 2012. An important result of the empirical analysis is that there is little difference between the people who are engaged in formal volunteer work or informal help, but there is a difference between them and those people who are not active. Socialization, however, plays a significant role. People, who grew up with volunteering as a family tradition, are more likely to engage in formal volunteering. In contrast, a tradition of volunteering does not have significant impact on whether you informally help others. Rather, it appears that the strength of the close social networks (”bonding social capital”) is crucial for informal helping. People engaged in both types of civic engagement differ remarkably from the group that is not active in any type of volunteering. People engaged in both types of civic engagement possess more social resources and stronger social networks. They have more trust in other people and they spend much time volunteering. That is, this group has much ”social capital”. Keywords: civic engagement, civil society, formal volunteering, informal help, social capital.


2015 ◽  
pp. 138-146
Author(s):  
N. Rozinskaya ◽  
I. Rozinskiy

This article deals with the genesis of general trust and social capital in contemporary Russia, which faces the external pressure. The low level of general trust is noted, its economic, social and everyday life implications are considered, an explanation of Russia’s lower than in western Europe level of trust is provided. Considering society’s level of trust and social capital as externalia, the authors conclude that there is a necessity to "produce" trust intentionally. Promotion of collective charity is proposed as a mechanism of such "production". It is stressed that in order to activate the potential of trust in a society, there is a need for ideological and symbolic basis linked to its history. Russian People’s Unity Day, understood as the birthday of Russian civil society, is proposed to be used in this respect.


2014 ◽  
pp. 77-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. Menyashev

There is a popular view in Russian studies arguing that underdevelopment of Russian civil society is partly responsible for the failure of liberal idea in Russia. Fragmented society sees no alternative to massive government regulation, that is why support of strong state is so high. If this logic is true, the differences in civicness across urban societies should show up in liberal parties support. This paper estimates this effect using social capital framework and drawing upon the data from Russian regions.


Author(s):  
Mark Bovens ◽  
Anchrit Wille

Civil society organizations are, if not schools, at least pools of democracy. In the ‘third sector’, too, active engagement and participation ‘by the people’ have given way to meritocracy, or, in other words, to rule by the well-educated. Many popularly rooted mass organizations have witnessed a decline in membership and political influence. Their role as intermediary between politics and society has been taken over by professionally managed advocacy groups that operate with university educated public affairs consultants. First, the chapter describes the associational revolution, the enormous increase in the number of civil society organizations. Then it in analyses the education gap in membership and the shift from large membership organizations to lean professional advocacy groups, which has occurred over the past three decades. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the net effect of this meritocratization of civil society for political participation and interest representation.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Dorota Szelewa

This article analyses two cases of populist mobilisation – namely, one against a primary school entry-age reform and another against WHO sexuality education and the concept of gender – that took place in Poland between 2008 and 2019. Both campaigns had a populist character and were oriented towards restoring social justice taken away from ‘the people’ by a morally corrupted ‘elite’. There are differences between the cases that can be analytically delineated by assessing whether a religious mobilisation has an overt or a covert character. While the series of protests against the school-age reform represents a case of mobilisation with covert religious symbolism, the campaigns against sexuality education and the use of the concept of gender are characterised by overt religious populism. To characterise the dynamics of the two campaigns, the study uses the concept of a moral panic, emphasising the importance of moral entrepreneurs waging ideological war against the government and/or liberal experts conceived of as ‘folk devils’.


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