scholarly journals REFERENCES TO THE TITLE OF THE TURKIC RULERS WHEN DESCRIBING THE HISTORY OF THE GHAZNAVIDS IN “TABA’I’ AL-HAYYAWAN” BY AL–MARWAZI

2021 ◽  
pp. 60-65
Author(s):  
D.M. Timokhin
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
African Slaves ◽  
History Of ◽  
Points Of View

Within the framework of this article, the focus is on the mention in al-Marwazi’s work “Taba’i’al-hayyawan” (“On the nature of animals”) of embassies from the Uighur and Khitan rulers to the court ofSultan Mahmud Ghaznаvi. This author also cites in his work the text of the messages that were sent to thissultan by both rulers. In the text of the letter of the Khitan emperor, the title “Qara-khan” is used in relationto Mahmud Ghaznavi, which could not but raise certain questions from researchers. In this article, we wouldlike to consider, first of all, the author’s explanation of the origin of such a title, as well as its application toMahmoud Ghaznаvi. Here it is necessary to analyze al-Marwazi’s instructions on the connection betweenthe title “Qara-khan” and African slaves in the Turkic nomadic environment, on which this author dwellsin detail. In addition, we will analyze the points of view of researchers, both on the origin of such title, andits existence in the political system of Desht-i Qipchak and neighboring regions. We hope that this articlewill be useful not only for researchers dealing with the history of the Ghaznavid dynasty, but also for a widerange of experts on the history of nomadic Turkic tribes, as well as the reflection of their history in medievalMuslim historiography.

Hastings Donnan and Pnina Werbner (eds). Economy and Culture in Pakistan: Migrants and Cities in a Muslim Society. London: Macmillan. 1991. 268 pp.

1992 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-328
Author(s):  
Ziaul Haque
Keyword(s):  
Urban Areas ◽  
Political System ◽  
Direct Result ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Factors ◽  
Population Movements ◽  
Social Fabric ◽  
History Of ◽  
Political Divide ◽  
Different Parts

Modem economic factors and forces are rapidly transforming the world into a single society and economy in which the migration of people at the national and international levels plays an important role. Pakistan, as a modem nation, has characteristically been deeply influenced by such migrations, both national and international. The first great exodus occurred in 1947 when over eight million Indian Muslims migrated from different parts of India to Pakistan. Thus, from the very beginning mass population movements and migrations have been woven into Pakistan's social fabric through its history, culture and religion. These migrations have greatly influenced the form and substance of the national economy, the contours of the political system, patterns of urbanisation and the physiognomy of the overall culture and history of the country. The recent political divide of Sindh on rural/Sindhi, and urban/non-Sindhi, ethnic and linguistic lines is the direct result of these earlier settlements of these migrants in the urban areas of Sindh.

The Mensheviks and NEP Society in Russia

1982 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 347-377 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladimir Brovkin
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Institutional Changes ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Soviet Regime ◽  
New Period ◽  
History Of

AbstractContemporary scholarship on the development of the Soviet political system in the 1920s has largely bypassed the history of the Menshevik opposition. Those historians who regard NEP as a mere transition to Stalinism have dismissed the Menshevik experience as irrelevant,1 and those who see a democratic potential in the NEP system have focused on the free debates in the Communist party (CP), the free peasantry, the market economy, and the free arts.2 This article aims to revise some aspects of both interpretations. The story of the Mensheviks was not over by 1921. On the contrary, NEP opened a new period in the struggles over independent trade unions and elections to the Soviets; over the plight of workers and the whims of the Red Directors; over the Cheka terror and the Menshevik strategies of coping with Bolshevism. The Menshevik experience sheds new light on the transformation of the political process and the institutional changes in the Soviet regime in the course of NEP. In considering the major facets of the Menshevik opposition under NEP, I shall focus on the election campaign to the Soviets during the transition to NEP, subsequent Bolshevik-Menshevik relations, and the writings in the Menshevik underground samizdat press.

A Past to be Thrown Away? Politics and History in the Italian Resistance

1995 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 367-381 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simone Neri Serneri
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
European History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Italian Experience ◽  
Political Consensus ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Media ◽  
Fascist Regime

The de-legitimisation of the Italian political system that culminated in the upheavals of the late 1980s has permitted a very public re-examination of the meaning and significance of both the Fascist regime and the Resistance to it. Although debates between historians had already begun over these issues, they have been thrust into the media spotlight now that the political consensus surrounding their interpretation has collapsed. The following two articles examine both the content and conduct of these debates, and consider the extent to which they have contributed to a reassessment of the history of these periods. Naturally the opinions expressed in these articles are solely those of the authors themselves: Contemporary European History would welcome further comments and contributions concerning this rethinking of the contemporary Italian experience.

FEATURES OF THE INTERNAL POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OF KYRGYZSTAN IN THE POST-SOVIET PERIOD

2021 ◽  
pp. 82-90
Author(s):  
Kanybek A. Kudayarov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Political System ◽  
Geographical Location ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
Kyrgyz Republic ◽  
Economic Management ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic

Kyrgyzstan, like other states of the post-Soviet space, has passed a challenging path in its development since gaining independence. Three de- cades of the republic’s existence in the new geopolitical conditions revealed the peculiarities of its political, socio-economic and cultural evolution, that distinguish the Kyrgyz Republic from the Central Asian neighbours and other republics of Commonwealth of Independent States. Supporting the concept of the history of the Kyrgyz people while preserving certain traditions of the Turkic nomadic civilization has become a fundamental part of the emerging national identity. Another important feature of building the political system in the Kyrgyz Republic is the attempt to create a Western-style democratic state based on its own experience of implementing “nomadic democracy”. The presence of constant zigzag jumps in the evolution of the political system of the republic (i.e., repeated transitions from the presidential form of government to the presidential-parliamentary form and back) can be traced throughout the existence of post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan. At the same time, it should be noted that the described processes are due to a special geographical location, which ini- tially affects the formation of the corresponding type of economic management. That in turn, affects the political development of the country.

The pragmatics of person reference

2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara De Cock ◽  
Neus Nogué Serrano
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Contrastive Analysis ◽  
Address Forms ◽  
Person Reference ◽  
History Of ◽  
Cultural Features

Abstract In this article, we show through a contrastive analysis of person reference in Catalan and Spanish parliamentary discourse, that it is paramount to take into account not only syntactic but also pragmatic factors in order to adequately analyse the differences between two languages that have rather similar morphological paradigms. Thus, we will show that singular deictics are used more widely in Spanish parliamentary discourse, whereas plural forms are preferred in Catalan, which is possibly related to more general cultural features and to the political system as a whole. Furthermore, we will discuss differences in the use of the formal address forms. Finally, we will show that some differences in the use of vocatives may be due to the debating styles and history of the respective parliaments.

The Disintegration of the Tory-Anglican Alliance in the Struggle for Catholic Emancipation

1960 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clyde J. Lewis
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Church ◽  
Established Church

The late 1820's, particularly the Catholic Emancipation Act of 1829, marked the end of an era in the history of the English Established Church. Earlier, for more than a century, the Anglican hierarchy had served as an appendage of the political system dominated by the landed interests; and since the younger Pitt's time, the Church had functioned politically as an ally of the Tory Party. By the year 1827. however, churchmen faced a rapidly changing political environment.

scholarly journals Kebijakan Pendidikan Sebagai Kebijakan Publik dalam Sistem Politik di Indonesia

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-91
Author(s):  
Maskuri Maskuri
Keyword(s):  
Education Policy ◽  
Education System ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Governance System ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
The Public ◽  
History Of ◽  
Political Configuration

In the history of Indonesian, education policy has always been dynamic. Before independence until the reform era of education policy can not be separated from the political system. We know that education policy as part of education policy is a political product. Political configuration in every era of state political leadership has always changed according to the political wind and the configuration of political rulers. However, forces outside the governance system, such as educational community groups, will give color to the education system. When the political system demands the centralization of power, the education system will also concentrate on a centralized government. With the flow of reforms, it has spawned many changes in the education system. Several articles, even the law which, according to the public, lack attention to the aspect of education itself, are sued to the Constitutional Court. Along with the policy of regional autonomy, education policy must be able to adjust to the development of society in autonomous regions. This necessarily requires the creativity of leaders in the region in terms of promoting education in the region in accordance with the aspirations of the community.

scholarly journals Between the tropes and pragmatics: the rhetorical aspect of Rozmowa polaka z litwinem

Literatūra ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 61 (3) ◽  
pp. 86-97
Author(s):  
Skirmantas Knieža
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Classical Antiquity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Church Fathers ◽  
Multiple Points ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
History Of ◽  
Points Of View ◽  
Grand Duchy Of Lithuania ◽  
Rhetorical Tropes

This paper presents rhetorical aspects of a sixteenth century Lithuanian polemical treatise “Rozmowa polaka z litwinem” (“Pasikalbėjimas lenko su lietuviu”). This anonymous work is often labeled as “humanist”. Even though many scholars analyse its contents and emphasize references to the Classical Antiquity, formal aspects and their pragmatic implications remain unevaluated. Scholars have mainly focused on the issue of it authorship and quoted it illustrating cultural and political sixteenth century changes in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The main aim of this article is to reveal rhetorical tropes and figures employed by the author of the treatise and discuss the possible motivation of their selection. “Rozmowa” responds to, “Quincunx”, written in 1564 by a Polish polemist Stanisław Orzechowski (1513–1566). It is a part of a prolonged polemic between the later and Lithuanian Chancellor, Palatine of Vilnius Mikalojus Radvila “The Black”. The details and the course of their dispute is reconstructed by Orzechowski himself in the letter to Piotr Miscovius, which also is titled “Apologia pro Quincunce”. He refers to the “Rozmowa” without mentioning its title or particular author. Historiography attributes it to the Vilnius mayor (wójt) Augustyn Rotundus (c. 1520–1582). Both Orzechowski and Rotundus studied abroad and had spent some time in Italy. Not only curricula of their studies of artes liberales were influenced by Classical Antiquity, they also undoubtedly got familiar with humanist culture of the contemporary Europe.“Rozmowa” consists of two main parts, which are separated by a verse. The treatise is written in a form of a dialogue, and allows to portray a vivid discussion and multiple points of view. The first part of “Rozmowa” focuses on the questions of the political theory, whereas the second one is dedicated to the history of Lithuania, its dynasty and the issue of the Polish-Lithuanian Union. While the first part is polemical, the second one has epideictic character. The author employs personification, paradiastole and antithesis. The latter two allow changing the normative contents of political concepts, and irony highlights the absurdities in the Polish political practices. The Lithuanian, one of the characters, uses deprecation and interpellation, addresses the absent participants of a dialogue (e. g. Orzechowski himself). The author quotes Ancient authors, Scripture, Church Fathers and contemporary thinkers (e. g. Machiavelli and Erasmus), whose ideas provide him with literary topoi. Merged with the rhetorical techniques, they constitute the political arguments of the treatise and allows the author to express one’s political ideas.

Political Ideals, Financial Interests and Intergovernmental Relations: New Aspects of Swiss Federalism

1988 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ulrich Klöti
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political System ◽  
Intergovernmental Relations ◽  
Normative Theory ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
The Public ◽  
Financial Interests ◽  
History Of ◽  
Swiss Experience

WHEN SWISS CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS SPECIAL ISSUE LIMIT themselves to the presentation of a picture of modern Switzerland and leave it to the public to decide whether they want to learn something from the Swiss experience, two problems remain unsolved. First, in Switzerland we have neglected to some extent the analysis of the structures and the processes of the political system. We know more about the history of our political institutions than we do about their actual functioning. Normative theory is better developed than empirical research. This leads to the second problem: as many questions concerning the mechanics of the system are not answered in a sufficiently clear way, interpretations of the Confederatia Helvetica differ considerably between various analysts.

How not to deal with the past: lustration in Poland

1999 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara A. Misztal
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political System ◽  
Relative Strength ◽  
The Political ◽  
Partisan Politics ◽  
Old Regime ◽  
The Past ◽  
History Of ◽  
Postcommunist Transition

By looking at the history of the Polish lustration — the policy of checking the past of candidates for important positions — this article argues that although the lustration law has been finally passed at the end of 1998, Poland's dealing with the past is still full of unresolved and deeply ambivalent problems due to the nature of its postcommunist transition and the nature of the newly constructed political institutions. These conditions were shaped by the relative strength of the Polish anti-communist opposition, which credibility within the society permitted it to accept a compromise with the old regime. The undetermined character of many of Poland's political institutions have accelerated the use of the issue of retrospective justice in the partisan politics, which in turn has limited the opportunity for consensual policy, and therefore has reduced societal trust of the political parties, while at the same time increased the demand for the purification of the political system.

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