scholarly journals KETERWAKILAN PEREMPUAN PADA PEMILU PASCA ORDE BARU

2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 67
Author(s):  
Esty Ekawati

The issue of women’s representation in politics is important because numbers of women who occupy political posi- tions in the party, legislative and executive bodies are still low. In fact, the laws of political parties and elections have provided opportunities for women to be involved in the formal political sphere, especially in the legislature. This is why the role of political parties becomes important in carrying out the function of political recruitment and of course the selection of legislative candidates including women. This article discusses the issues faced by women candidates in the post-New Order Elections that have an impact on the low number of women’s representation in the legislation. By using qualitative method, based on literature study and interview, the study reveals that the low number of women representation in legislative institution is caused by 1) motivation of women to become legislative candidate, 2) patriarchal culture of Indonesian society, 3) limited financial capital, and 4 ) the pragmatism of political parties. This condition is a challenge for women candidates to take political positions in the post-New Order.[Isu keterwakilan perempuan dalam politik ramai diperbincangkan karena masih rendahnya jumlah perempuan yang menduduki jabatan politik baik di internal partai, lembaga legislatif maupun eksekutif. Padahal, undang-undang partai politik dan pemilu sudah memberikan peluang bagi perempuan untuk bisa masuk dalam ranah politik for- mal, khususnya lembaga legislatif. Di sinilah peran partai politik menjadi penting dalam menjalankan fungsi re- kruitmen politik dan tentu saja seleksi calon anggota legislatif termasuk perempuan. Artikel ini membahas per- soalan yang dihadapi oleh kandidat perempuan pada Pemilu pasca-Orde Baru yang berdampak terhadap rendah- nya angka keterwakilan perempuan di legislatif. Dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif berdasarkan studi litera- tur dan wawancara, diketahui bahwa rendahnya angka keterwakilan perempuan di lembaga legislatif disebabkan oleh 1) motivasi kandidat perempuan untuk menjadi caleg, 2) budaya patriarki yang masih melekat di masyarakat Indonesia, 3) keterbatasan modal finansial perempuan, dan 4) pragmatisme partai politik. Kondisi inilah yang men- jadi tantangan bagi kandidat perempuan untuk mengisi jabatan-jabatan politik di Indonesia pasca-Orde Baru.]

2014 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frances Millard

Poland maintained its open-list PR system but introduced gender quotas in the 2011 parliamentary elections in order to increase the number of women deputies. Yet this change had only a limited impact on women’s representation. The 2011 election confirms that ‘favorable’ electoral laws provide opportunities for women, but they cannot guarantee that women will be elected. In particular, the use of quotas alone is not sufficient to ensure high levels of women’s representation. The most important factors in explaining the Polish result were 1) the absence of a ‘zipper’, a list ordering that alternates men and women candidates, thus ensuring high list-places for women 2) the parties’ favoring of men in their list placement 3) the relative size of the political parties and 4) voters’ support for list leaders and incumbent deputies. Despite a disappointing outcome, quotas may be seen as beneficial in increasing women’s presence and the potential for further evolution of the electoral system.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-64
Author(s):  
Rahayu Kusumadewi ◽  
Idah Wahidah ◽  
Wiwin Julaeha

Fulfillment of women's political rights is a precondition for the realization of democratic representation which is balanced between men and women. The Regency of Subang is based on the results of the election in 2014, only a percentage of 16%. Therefore, this study aims to determine the implementation of the policy of women's representation in the General Election of Subang DPRD Members.This research uses qualitative method with descriptive approach. The data idan information obtained will be analyzed according to Miles and Huberman data analysis techniques consisting of data reduction activities, data presentation.The results showed that the fulfillment of women's representation in Subang Regency reached 41.74%, while the fulfillment of women's representation by the Gerindra Party reached 40.82% which showed that the policy of women's representation could be implemented well by the Gerindra Party because it was supported by communication, resources, dispositions and bureaucratic structure.The fulfillment obstacle arises both from internal party parties who have not been able to create an effective recruitment process or from women who are not ready to be involved in practical politics because the existing regeneration system has not been running systematically and sustainably. Meanwhile, to create quality control for women candidates, the Gerindra Party seeks to create a rigorous selection process through the stages of screening, screening, and verification.


2019 ◽  
pp. 80-122
Author(s):  
Shirin M. Rai ◽  
Carole Spary

The chapter argues that although women’s representation has increased in numerical terms over the last 20 years, this increase has been marginal. It traces this argument through an analysis of the role of political parties as gatekeepers to parliamentary politics. Using both quantitative and qualitative methodologies, this chapter explores women’s participation as candidates in general elections for the Lok Sabha over the last two decades to understand the role that elections and the election process have on opportunities for women to enter Parliament. By analysing trends in the nomination of women by political parties and across states and regions it contests notions of incrementalism, which are often used to counter proposals for quotas, and which argue that women’s presence in elected bodies will increase over time.


Wahana ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-168
Author(s):  
Titik Setyaningsih ◽  
Andi Asrihapsari ◽  
Doddy Setiawan

This study aims to explore transparency and accountability of political parties in Surakarta. This study uses a qualitative method. Data were gathered through focus group discussion. The findings show that political parties do not understand financial report of this entity’s financial assistance under PSAK 45 and they use simple bookkeeping. Political parties’s financial assistance is not audited by external auditor and there are some audit findings. The transparency principle is not achieved because financial report only for internal parties. This study raises one interesting result that political parties need the role of accountant to make their reports more accountable.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-90
Author(s):  
Aris Setiawan

This research aims to determine the historical construction of criticism and propaganda formed in Kidungan Jula-juli performance in each era. Kidungan is a song in the Gending Jula-juli in East Java. The musical text presented in the song seems to be open (blak-blakan [openness]), assertive, and emotionally becomes the power of criticism. Historical issues concerning the function of Kidungan Jula-juli are interesting enough to be known, thus encouraging this study to get a basic and detailed understanding of the historical stages of the role of Kidungan Jula-juli from the Japanese era to the reformation era. This study using a historical approach and emphasizes the problem of music function. The analysis was carried out by looking at the ideas, concepts, and cultural references that accompanied the performance of Kidungan Jula-juli. The results of this study indicate the dynamics of the function of criticism and propaganda in Kidungan Jula-juli. During the Japanese occupation era, Kidungan Jula-juli was very sharp in its role as an instrument of the independence movement; from 1950 to 1965, Kidungan Jula-juli was used by political parties to strengthen political support and propaganda. In the New Order Era, kidungan lost the function of criticism.  The state controlled it for the sake of propaganda and the legitimacy of power.  Kidungan Jula-juli is more open and present on a stage with other performing arts in the era of the reform order.


2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212110409
Author(s):  
Rainbow Murray ◽  
Ragnhild Muriaas ◽  
Vibeke Wang

Contesting elections is extremely expensive. The need for money excludes many prospective candidates, resulting in the over-representation of wealth within politics. The cost of contesting elections has been underestimated as a cause of women’s under-representation. Covering seven case studies in six papers, this special issue makes theoretical and empirical contributions to understanding how political financing is gendered. We look at the impact on candidates, arguing that the personal costs of running for office can be prohibitive, and that fundraising is harder for female challengers. We also explore the role of political parties, looking at when and how parties might introduce mitigating measures to support female candidates with the costs of running. We demonstrate how political institutions shape the cost of running for office, illustrate how this is gendered and consider the potential consequences of institutional reform. We also note how societal gender norms can have financial repercussions for women candidates.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-66
Author(s):  
Fatemeh Sadat Alavi Aliabadi ◽  
Sayed Alireza Vasei

This article attempts to trace the fundamental role of early Persian beliefs, Zoroastrians, to the decision of Ahl al-Bayt’s choice to migrate to Persia (Iran). This research is based on the fact that there are many places for pilgrimage to imams in Iran.  Specifically, this research investigates the similarity of several concepts in both religions, Zoroaster and Islam, regarding the teaching in the principle of God (Ilahiyyah), the principle of life after death (eschatology), and the principle of justice and morals of the religion embraced before Islam in Persia. Several studies have also reported on the distortions, opposition, and the consequences of encountering the two beliefs for the first time between Persian beliefs and Islamic teachings. This study employs a qualitative method with historical analysis and literature study along with relevant information of the study.  This article also uses the theory of migration and identity to see the interconnectedness of religion in the migration context. The results of this study show the factors that the Persians are interested in accepting and understanding the teachings of Islam. Those are: first, the emotional closeness of beliefs and moral values between Muslims and Zoroastrians (Magi); Second, the inclusive nature of Islam; third, the absence of racial, gender, and status discrimination in Islamic teachings. The descendants of imams Ahl al-Bayt of the Prophet Muhammad SAW continued the prophet's preaching and the Imams in expanding the spread of Islamic teachings to various regions. During this expansion process, they found Iran as the most secure, and suitable region to accept the presence and teaching of Islam especially the Shiite sect. Therefore, they decided to migrate to Iran, and until now Iran is known as a Shiite country.


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