Memories of a U.S. Political Prisoner

2016 ◽  
Vol 68 (6) ◽  
pp. 53
Author(s):  
David Gilbert

"We will fight from one generation to the next." In the 1960s and 1970s we anti-imperialists in the U.S. were inspired not only by that slogan from Vietnam but even more by how they lived it with their 2000-year history of defeating a series of mighty invaders. At the same time we felt that we just might be on the cusp of world revolution in our lifetimes. Vietnam's ability to stand up to and eventually defeat the most lethal military machine in world history was the spearhead. Dozens of revolutionary national liberation struggles were sweeping what was then called the "Third World," today referred to as the "global South." There was a strategy to win, as articulated by Che Guevara: to overextend and defeat the powerful imperial beast by creating "two, three, many Vietnams." A range of radical and even revolutionary movements erupted within the U.S. and also in Europe and Japan.… Tragically, the revolutionary potential that felt so palpable then has not been realized.… Today, fighting from one generation to the next takes on new relevance and intense urgency.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.

2016 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 244-263
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Surovell

In their assessments during the 1960s and 1970s of the state of affairs of Third World “revolutionary democracies” and nations that had taken the “non-capitalist road to development,” the Soviets employed a mode of analysis based on the “correlation of forces.” Given the seeming successes of these “revolutionary democracies” and the appearance of new ones, Moscow was clearly heartened by the apparent tilt in favor of the Soviets and of “progressive” humanity more generally. These apparently positive trends were reflected in Soviet perspectives and policies on the Third World, which focused confidently on such “progressive” regimes. Nonetheless, so-called “reactionary” regimes continued to be a thorn in the side of Soviet policy makers. This study offers a fresh examination of the Soviet analyses of, and policies towards three “reactionary” Third-World regimes: the military dictatorship in Brazil, the Pinochet dictatorship of Chile, and Iran during the reign of the Shah. The article reveals that Soviet decision makers and analysts identified the state sector as the central factor in the “progressive” development of the Third World. Hence the state sector became the focal point for their analyses and the touchstone for Soviet policies; the promotion of the state sector was regarded as a key to the Soviet objective of promoting the “genuine independence” of Third World countries from imperialist domination.


1987 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 508-535 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Oldenburg

Corruption—like the weather—is a phenomenon people in the third world talk about a great deal, and, it would seem, do little about. Scholars of political change in the third world share this interest, but—although they are usually not expected to deal with corruption itself —they should move beyond the recounting of vivid anecdotes to a more systematic analysis of the problem. Steps in this direction were made in the 1960s and 1970s, but surprisingly little more work has been done since.


Author(s):  
Igor Krstić

This chapter discusses the international film culture of the 1960s and 1970s against the backdrop of the massive urbanisation of what used to be called the ‘Third World’. During these decades not only did world cinema modernise itself in the form of numerous, highly politicised and predominantly leftist, ‘new waves’, but so, too, did many (mega)cities of the global South. The chapter’s first case example, Moi, un noir (Rouch 1958), depicts how rural migrants, full of hopes for and dreams of a better future, flocked to these cities in search of jobs. The intersections between social and film history on a global scale, hence, between the emergence of a politically engaged international film culture and the massive urbanisation of the ‘Third World’, are, as the author argues, not coincidental, and neither is the rise of docufictional forms. Whether theorised as ethnofiction, docudrama, cinéma vérité or Impefect Cinema, these hybrid forms share their historical links with earlier movements (neorealism and the Grierosonian documentary, in particular), as this chapter’s second main example illustrates: De Cierta Manera (Gómez 1974), an essayistic docudrama that investigates the Cuban government’s slum removal policies in a Havana neighbourhood.


Author(s):  
Tobias Rupprecht

This chapter complicates conventional understandings of Latin America’s Cold War by looking at the travels of tercermundista intellectuals and activists to all parts of the USSR. Visits of intellectuals from the global South to the Cold War Soviet Union have hardly been studied. Accounts of the history of Cold War Latin America have put the Soviet Union, as a political and intellectual point of reference, aside too readily. The early Cold War was a time of enhanced, and rather successful, Soviet attempts to present their country in a positive light towards the emerging Third World. Those Latin Americans who developed a sense of belonging with the Third World in the 1960s, this chapter demonstrates, were still susceptible to the lures of certain characteristics of the Soviet state and suggested their implementation in their home countries. The reason for the positive perception came, on the one hand, as a result of very lavishly funded and well conducted programmes for Third World visitors in the Soviet Union.


1993 ◽  
Vol 11 (5) ◽  
pp. 513-522 ◽  
Author(s):  
E Pugliese

This paper is an analysis of the way in which the changes in the labour market and in the occupational structure in Europe affect the situation and the role of Third World migrants, The author singles out, first, the main differences between the present migratory waves and the intra-European migrations of the 1960s and 1970s. Not only are the numbers of nationalities and ethnic groups who participate in the new migratory experience greater now than before, but also the destinations are different. At the time of the great intra-European migrations the receiving areas were the most developed European industrial countries: now Spain, Italy, and Greece also attract a large number of migrants from the Third World. Intra-European migrations were industrial migrations because manufacturing and building industries were the most important and growing economic activities. While industrial employment increased, the working class and the industrial conflict were the basic factors of those societies. Present-day migrations are postindustrial migrations. Immigrants work mostly in service activities and not infrequently in the informal economy. In any case migrant workers are located in the secondary labour market. The picture is made more complex by the fact that many immigrants are alegal or illegal because of the restrictive immigration policies in European countries. The casual character of the migrants' occupations, coupled with the fact that some of them are not settled, but keep migrating within the hosting countries, makes more difficult their union organization. Besides that, the forms of solidarity which are developing now are less and less class based, but are based on ethnic and religious bonds.


Author(s):  
Eugenia Palieraki

This chapter focuses on the revolutionary connections between Chile and Algeria during the years 1961-1978. It starts at the beginning of the 1960s when the first extensive references to the Algerian War appear in the Chilean Left-Wing Press and in the reports of the Chilean Ministry of Foreign Affairs and ends with Boumediene’s passing in 1978, which closes the socialist parenthesis in Algeria. It describes the conditions of possibility that underlie the revolutionary connections between Chile and Algeria and thus, the revolutionary cosmopolitanism through the examination of 1° the agents, 2° the places and spaces where those links are created and maintained and 3° the ideas. These three elements are constitutive of a new revolutionary universalism, which allows a political meaning to be given to the diplomatic relations between Chile and Algeria from 1970 onwards.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 315-330
Author(s):  
Eli Meyerhoff

One of the most revolutionary movements in the history of US universities—the Third World students’ strike that shut down San Francisco (SF) State College for five months in 1968–69—had a key precursor in the Experimental College (EC), which supported student-organized courses, including the first Black studies courses, at SF State. The EC offers inspiration for creating infrastructures of radical imagination and study. The EC appropriated resources—including spaces, money, teachers, credits, and technologies—for studying within, against, and beyond the normal university. The EC facilitated courses with revolutionary content, and they fostered modes of study in these courses that were radically alternative to the education-based mode of study. Contributing my concept of “modes of study,” I offer guidance for revolutionary movements on the terrain of universities today. Through analysis of archival materials and interviews with organizers of the EC and Black Student Union, I found that the EC organizers’ potentials for supporting revolutionary study were limited by their romanticizing of education, which was coconstituted with subscriptions to modernist imaginaries. Rejecting the education-based mode of study as bound up with liberal-capitalist modernity/coloniality, organizers today can appropriate their universities’ resources for alternative modes of study and world-making.


1998 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 15-44
Author(s):  
Ibrahim Abu-Rabiʽ

Neoliberalism, as a global system, is a new war in theconquest of territory. The end of the Third World War, orCold War, certainly does not mean that the world hasovercome bipolarity and rediscovered stability under thedomination of the victor. Whereas there was a defeatedside (the socialist camp), it is difficult to identify the winningside. The United States? The European Union?Japan? Or all three? ... Thanks to computers, the financialmarkets, fiom the trading floor and according to theirwhims, impose their laws and precepts on the planet.Globalization is nothing more than the totalitarian extensionof their logic to every aspect of life. The UnitedStates, formerly the ruler of the economy, is now governed- tele-governed - by the very dynamic of financialpower: commercial free trade. And this logic has madeuse of the porosity produced by the development oftelecommunications to take over every aspect of activityin the social spectrum. The result is an all-out war.'In the 1950s and the 1960s, a phase in the history [of theThird World] that the supporters of globalization wish tomarginalize and assassinate, culture was in fact made upof two kinds: imperialisthegemonic culture and liberationisthationalistculture. Those influenced by the ideologyof globalization desire to create a new genre of culture:the culture of opening and renewal and that of withdrawaland stagnation. - Muhammad 'Abid al Jiibiri ...


Author(s):  
Benoît De Tréglodé

In the 1960s and 1970s, the humanities and social sciences were largely at the service of an idealised quest aiming at the socialist revolution. In France, academic research on communism in the Third World countries was fuelled by anti-colonial guilt. The change came from within in the early 1980s, when the exodus of Viet Kieu and the security orientation of the country's reunification distracted some of the intellectuals who were fellow travellers (compagnons de route) from the triumphant narratives about this country in the 1960s and 1970s. In 1983, a book vividly presented the contradictions of this period experienced by specialists of Vietnam in France with regard to their present or past commitments with Vietnamese communist regime. The historian Georges Boudarel mentioned: This publication is not a crusade, without complexes or taboos. It intends to place itself under the sign of mutual respect, plurality of points of view, coexistence and tolerance of opinions. These are not exalting slogans, nor are they flags to mount an assault. These terms lack panache and hardly rattle in the wind. But they sum up the hard experience of men. We will not hesitate to make them ours.


2019 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 32-39
Author(s):  
LaNada War Jack

The author reflects on her personal experience as a Native American at UC Berkeley in the 1960s as well as on her activism and important leadership roles in the 1969 Third World Liberation Front student strike, which had as its goal the creation of an interdisciplinary Third World College at the university.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document