scholarly journals Alberta’s 2002 Teacher Strike: The Political Economy of Labor Relations in Education

2010 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 3
Author(s):  
Bob Barnetson
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Labor Relations ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
School Teachers ◽  
Canadian Province ◽  
The Public ◽  
Worker Resistance

In 2002, approximately two thirds of school teachers in the Canadian province of Alberta went on strike. Drawing on media, government and union documents, this case study reveals some contours of the political economy of labor relations in education that are normally hidden from view. Among these features are that the state can react to worker resistance by legally pressuring trade unions and justifying this action as in the public interest. This justification seeks to divide the working class and pit segments of it against each other. The state may also seek to limit discussion and settlements to monetary matters to avoid constraining its ability to manage the workplace or the educational system. This analysis provides a basis for developing a broader theory of the political economy of labor relations in education. It also provides trade unionists in education with information useful in formulating a strike strategy.

scholarly journals The political economy of unfree labor and the state: An Indonesian case study

2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-78
Author(s):  
Benni Yusriza
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Migrant Workers ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
Unfree Labor ◽  
Victim Protection ◽  
Trafficking Victims

Employing the concept of unfree labor, this article explores the role of the state in reinforcing victims’ vulnerability and shaping the political economy of trafficking practices. Based on a case study of trafficking victims in Benjina and Ambon, Maluku Province, Indonesia, I argue that Indonesian authorities’ intervention was driven not by humanitarian interest, nor by the concern for the protection of migrant workers’ rights, but rather by the intent to advance a political and economic agenda against the Thai fishing industry. Consequently, the intervention ignored the exploitative relations of production that underpinned the vulnerability of victims, despite being conducted in the name of victim-protection and improving livelihoods.

scholarly journals Health Institutions, Temporary Work Agencies, and the Mobility Power of Nurses

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hege Merete Knutsen
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Labor Market ◽  
Labor Relations ◽  
Research Strategy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Temporary Work ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Health Institutions ◽  
Temporary Work Agencies

The objective of this article is to explore how the mobility power of nurses (the ability to move between employers or leave the labor market) contributes to changing relations between health institutions and temporary work agencies in the Norwegian welfare state. Based on case study as the research strategy, the article contributes to the political economy of labor relations approach and the debate over the role ofTWAs and temporary nursing in the health sector.The mobility power of Swedish nurses who shift from agency nursing to direct temporary nursing in health insti- tutions (bank nursing) partly explains the constrained growth of agency nursing in the Norwegianhospital sector. However, contracting flows of Swedish nurses to Norway since 2015 challengeinternal labor hire and could make health institutions more agency-dependent in future.The dataemployed are semi-structured interviews, official statistics, reports, and news clippings.

scholarly journals The political economy of corruption in Brazil

1999 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 26-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcos Fernandes da Silva
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Economic Activity ◽  
Institutional Framework ◽  
The Political ◽  
Institutional Changes ◽  
Institutional Environments ◽  
Institutional Evolution ◽  
The Public ◽  
Economic Interpretation

This article is the first part of a research on corruption in Brazil and it is theoretical. Despite this, it provides an economic interpretation of corruption using Brazil as a case study. The main objective of this research is to apply some microeconomic tools to understand the "big corruption"�. However, I am going to show that corruption is not simply a kind of crime. Rather, it is an ordinary economic activity that arises in some institutional environments. Firstly, some corruption cases in Brazil will be described. This article is aimed at showing that democracy itself does not ensure control over corruption. Secondly, I am going to do a very brief survey of institutional changes and controls over corruption in some Western Societies in which I am going to argue that corruption, its control and its illegality depend on institutional evolution by streamlining the constitutional and institutional framework. Thirdly, I am going to explain how some economic models could be adopted for a better understanding of corruption. Finally, I will present a multiple-self model applied to the public agent (politician and bureaucrat) constrained by institutions and pay-off systems.

The First British Empire, the Whig Supremacy, and the East India Company

2019 ◽  
pp. 19-49
Author(s):  
James M. Vaughn
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
The State ◽  
East India Company ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Infrastructure ◽  
The Public ◽  
East Indian ◽  
Territorial State ◽  
Colonial Expansion ◽  
Landed Elite

This chapter discusses the efforts to transform the political economy of England's imperial expansion during the Commonwealth (1649–1653). The architects of the Commonwealth's new imperial political economy were principally drawn from the worlds of unregulated Atlantic trading and East Indian interloping. In alliance with elements of the landed elite and middling social strata in London, these new merchant groupings helped to shift England's centralized territorial state away from an essentially extractive relationship with overseas commercial and colonial expansion—whereby the state attempted to “arbitrarily” raise revenues from such expansion—toward a new relationship in which the state was fully committed to providing the public infrastructure and military protection necessary for the unlimited flow of English trade, shipping, and investment across the globe.

All Shook Up?

2020 ◽  
pp. 157-174
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Chatterjee
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Public Sector ◽  
Economic Reforms ◽  
Rent Seeking ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Autonomy ◽  
The Public ◽  
Indian State ◽  
Dominant Classes

The Political Economy and Development of India (PEDI) outlined highly influential theories of both the Indian state and its bureaucracy. Professionals within the public sector were one of Bardhan’s three competing dominant classes, yet he was also clear that the state was an autonomous actor distinct from the rent-seeking officials who populated its lower ranks. Three decades later, economic reforms have ostensibly challenged the public sector’s economic, ideological, and policy dominance. This chapter argues that the Indian system remains more statist—and correspondingly less ‘pro-business’—than many scholarly interpretations today allow. Nonetheless, elite public sector professionals have become fragmented that challenge their coherence as a class, while new obstacles to effective state autonomy have arisen from the nexus between politicians and the petty bureaucracy.

Islamic and Jewish Religious Feminists Tackle Islamic and Jewish Oral Law: Maintenance and Rebellion of Wives

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-63
Author(s):  
Ruth Roded
Keyword(s):  
State Policy ◽  
Political System ◽  
Daily Life ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Jewish Law ◽  
Modern Times ◽  
Parallel Case ◽  
First Time

Beginning in the early 1970s, Jewish and Muslim feminists, tackled “oral law”—Mishna and Talmud, in Judaism, and the parallel Hadith and Fiqh in Islam, and several analogous methodologies were devised. A parallel case study of maintenance and rebellion of wives —mezonoteha, moredet al ba?ala; nafaqa al-mar?a and nush?z—in classical Jewish and Islamic oral law demonstrates similarities in content and discourse. Differences between the two, however, were found in the application of oral law to daily life, as reflected in “responsa”—piskei halacha and fatwas. In modern times, as the state became more involved in regulating maintenance and disobedience, and Jewish law was backed for the first time in history by a state, state policy and implementation were influenced by the political system and socioeconomic circumstances of the country. Despite their similar origin in oral law, maintenance and rebellion have divergent relevance to modern Jews and Muslims.

scholarly journals ‘Women take care and men take charge’: The case of leadership and gender in the Public and Commercial Services Union

2020 ◽  
pp. 0143831X2094368
Author(s):  
Julie Prowse ◽  
Peter Prowse ◽  
Robert Perrett
Keyword(s):  
Leadership Style ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Union Leader ◽  
The Public ◽  
Union Leadership ◽  
Positive Attitudes ◽  
Union Leaders ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Survey Responses

This article presents the findings of a case study that aimed to understand the specific leadership styles that are valued by women and men lay representatives in the Public and Commercial Services Union (PCS) and to determine the gendered implications for increasing women’s leadership and representation in trade unions. Survey responses from PCS lay representatives (reps) show the majority of women and men agreed that the leadership style they value, and that makes a good union leader, is post-heroic (communal) leadership. This approach is associated with leadership characteristics such as being helpful, sensitive and kind and are generally practised by women. This contrasts with male union leaders who are associated with a traditional, heroic (agentic) leadership style characterised by confidence, self-reliance and decisiveness. Although some differences exist that highlight gender issues, both women and men lay reps have positive attitudes towards increasing women’s representation and participation in union leadership.

War without Citizens

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-38
Author(s):  
Stephen J. Rosow
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Consumer Culture ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Democratic Citizenship ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Advanced Technologies

Contestation over war memorialization can help democratic theory respond to the current attenuation of citizenship in war in liberal democratic states, especially the United States. As war involves more advanced technologies and fewer soldiers, the relation of citizenship to war changes. In this context war memorialization plays a particular role in refiguring the relation. Current practices of remembering and memorializing war in contemporary neoliberal states respond to a dilemma: the state needs to justify and garner support for continual wars while distancing citizenship from participation. The result is a consumer culture of memorialization that seeks to effect a unity of the political community while it fights wars with few citizens and devalues the public. Neoliberal wars fought with few soldiers and an economic logic reveals the vulnerability to otherness that leads to more active and critical democratic citizenship.

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