Organizational adaptation of political parties : a case study of the Hong Kong Democratic Party

1996 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wing Yat Yu
2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-175
Author(s):  
JUDY CHIA YIN WEI

AbstractThis article aims to explore the effects of quasi-SNTV (Single Non-transferable Vote) under the Largest Remainder Proportional Representation (LRPR) in Legislative Council (LegCo) elections in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) after the British handover of 1997. Although the quasi-SNTV results from the inability of political parties to control their candidates, the Democratic Party (DP) and the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment of Hong Kong (DAB) can obtain more seats in total than they could by coordinating around one single list if they can successfully control their party label and the political camps can coordinate different parties and candidates. The quasi-SNTV in Hong Kong is notable for the strategic coordination found in its alliances, a key aspect that differentiates it from Colombia's quasi-SNTV. The DP's failure can be attributed to its internal conflicts and the lack of coordination among the pro-democracy alliances. In contrast to the democratic camp, which lacks any overriding authority to coordinate different parties and candidates, the pro-China's united front machinery facilitates coordination and helps the DAB perform better than the DP in quasi-SNTV.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-104
Author(s):  
Chung Fun Steven Hung

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to assess the intra-party conflicts in Hong Kong’s Democratic Party (DP) and their implications for broader democratic processes in the territory. It also examines some other thematic issues including: the party’s policy decision-making process, candidate selection, party membership and mergers, and their overall relevance for democratisation in Hong Kong. Design/methodology/approach The study gives a historical review of intra-party conflicts. The concept of factionalism is applied to better understand the DP in Hong Kong’s political space. Findings Hong Kong is unique and popular models of party conflicts are hardly applicable to the country. Intra-party conflict is an obvious, expected conflict because of differences in formation, leadership, manifestoes and ideologies. The present author tries to examine the case with a view to making a novel contribution. Originality/value The study of political factionalism is not uncommon in Hong Kong but this paper intends to study intra-party elite conflicts and self-democratisation of the Hong Kong DP as a case study which is seldom addressed. Consolidation is a possible scenario and its presence is evident when political elites increasingly demonstrate commitment towards creating a democratic regime and when they hold strong beliefs in democratic procedures and institutions as crucial to governing public life.


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-37
Author(s):  
Muhammad Budiana ◽  
Arry Bainus ◽  
R. Widya ◽  
Setiabudi S. ◽  
Muradi

The research premise is the idea that there was trend in political participation and voting behavior in Subang and Cirebon Regencies, The two biggest bases of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP) in West Java Province. Their power are getting weaker, reflected by the number of their representatives in Representatives Local House. In this research, it is believed that there are three factors which influence those phenomena such as political parties role, figures and identification. The research highlights are the most influential factors on political participation which cause declining support for the party and strategies used by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP) to maintain their constituents. 


Author(s):  
Oladimeji Sogo Osewa

The activeness of any nation citizenry determines how effective and the types of government such a nation will have. In the case of Nigeria, Nigerian citizens have been engulfed by stark illiteracy and chronic ignorance. Citizens have failed in their responsibility of participating actively in the polity of their nation. Citizens have been blindfolded that they cannot even differentiate between good governance and bad governance, as they still blindly pledge their support to bad leadership and to the decayed political parties of Nigeria, e.g. APC and PDP. Citizens found mostly in this blindness are the South western citizens despite their level of education. This paper examined the inability of Nigerian citizens to read within the lines and understand the dangers inherent in the politics of these two political parties of APC and PDP, and the fact that both parties have no better ideology and plans to better the lives of Nigerians. The paper examines the difference between People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and All progressive Congress (APC) ideology in terms of corruption in Nigeria. The paper finally examines the effect of non-democratic citizenry in Nigeria. This paper adopts the hybrids method, as interview methods of data collection are adopted while other data are gotten from the readymade works of scholars and from the common sense views of the writer. This paper finally proffers workable recommendations to the problems of bad leadership in Nigeria.


2001 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charlie Q L Xue ◽  
Kevin K Manuel ◽  
Rex H Y Chung
Keyword(s):  

2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Haruo Nakagawa

Akin to the previous, 2014 event, with no data on voter ethnicity, no exit polls, and few post-election analyses, the 2018 Fiji election results remain something of a mystery despite the fact that there had been a significant swing in voting in favour of Opposition political parties. There have been several studies about the election results, but most of them have been done without much quantitative analyses. This study examines voting patterns of Fiji’s 2018 election by provinces, and rural-urban localities, as well as by candidates, and also compares the 2018 and 2014 elections by spending a substantial time classifying officially released data by polling stations and individual candidates. Some of the data are then further aggregated according to the political parties to which those candidates belonged. The current electoral system in Fiji is a version of a proportional system, but its use is rare and this study will provide an interesting case study of the Open List Proportional System. At the end of the analyses, this study considers possible reasons for the swing in favour of the Opposition.


Author(s):  
Tetiana Fedorchak

The author investigates political radicalism in the Czech Republic, a rather heterogeneous current considering the structure of participants: from political parties to the extremist organizations. The peculiarity of the Czech party system is the existence, along with typical radical parties, of other non-radical parties whose representatives support xenophobic, nationalist and anti-Islamic statements. This is primarily the Civil Democratic Party, known for its critical attitude towards European integration, and the Communist party of the Czech Republic and Moravia, which opposes Czech membership in NATO and the EU. Among the Czech politicians, who are close to radical views, analysts include the well-known for its anti-Islamic position of the Czech President M. Zeman and the leader of the movement ANO, billionaire A. Babich. Voters vote for them not because their economic or social programs are particularly attractive to the electorate, but because of dissatisfaction with the economic situation in the state. Almost all right populist parties oppose European integration, interpreting it as an anti-national project run by an elite distorted by a deficit of democracy and corruption. Keywords: Czech Republic, right-wing radical political parties, European integration, nationalism.


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