scholarly journals Active Democratic Citizenry: A Determinant of Good Governance - A Case Study of Nigerian State

2020 ◽  
pp. 285-297
Author(s):  
Oladimeji Sogo Osewa
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Common Sense ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Level Of Education ◽  
Interview Methods ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Bad Leadership

The activeness of any nation citizenry determines how effective and the types of government such a nation will have. In the case of Nigeria, Nigerian citizens have been engulfed by stark illiteracy and chronic ignorance. Citizens have failed in their responsibility of participating actively in the polity of their nation. Citizens have been blindfolded that they cannot even differentiate between good governance and bad governance, as they still blindly pledge their support to bad leadership and to the decayed political parties of Nigeria, e.g. APC and PDP. Citizens found mostly in this blindness are the South western citizens despite their level of education. This paper examined the inability of Nigerian citizens to read within the lines and understand the dangers inherent in the politics of these two political parties of APC and PDP, and the fact that both parties have no better ideology and plans to better the lives of Nigerians. The paper examines the difference between People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and All progressive Congress (APC) ideology in terms of corruption in Nigeria. The paper finally examines the effect of non-democratic citizenry in Nigeria. This paper adopts the hybrids method, as interview methods of data collection are adopted while other data are gotten from the readymade works of scholars and from the common sense views of the writer. This paper finally proffers workable recommendations to the problems of bad leadership in Nigeria.

The Strategic Coordination under Quasi-SNTV: A Case Study of Hong Kong

2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-175
Author(s):  
JUDY CHIA YIN WEI
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Council ◽  
Internal Conflicts ◽  
Strategic Coordination ◽  
Single List ◽  
Better Than

AbstractThis article aims to explore the effects of quasi-SNTV (Single Non-transferable Vote) under the Largest Remainder Proportional Representation (LRPR) in Legislative Council (LegCo) elections in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) after the British handover of 1997. Although the quasi-SNTV results from the inability of political parties to control their candidates, the Democratic Party (DP) and the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment of Hong Kong (DAB) can obtain more seats in total than they could by coordinating around one single list if they can successfully control their party label and the political camps can coordinate different parties and candidates. The quasi-SNTV in Hong Kong is notable for the strategic coordination found in its alliances, a key aspect that differentiates it from Colombia's quasi-SNTV. The DP's failure can be attributed to its internal conflicts and the lack of coordination among the pro-democracy alliances. In contrast to the democratic camp, which lacks any overriding authority to coordinate different parties and candidates, the pro-China's united front machinery facilitates coordination and helps the DAB perform better than the DP in quasi-SNTV.

Understanding & Teaching Genetics Using Analogies

2013 ◽  
Vol 75 (9) ◽  
pp. 664-669 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scott Woody ◽  
Ed Himelblau
Keyword(s):  
Common Sense ◽  
Wild Type ◽  
Functional Versus ◽  
Rule Based ◽  
Common Experience ◽  
Solid Foundation ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Difference

We present a collection of analogies that are intended to help students better understand the foreign and often nuanced vocabulary of the genetics curriculum. Why is it called the “wild type”? What is the difference between a locus, a gene, and an allele? What is the functional (versus a rule-based) distinction between dominant and recessive alleles? It is our hope that by using these analogies, teachers at all levels of the K–16 curriculum can appeal to the common experience and common sense of their students, to lay a solid foundation for mastery of genetics and, thereby, to enhance understanding of evolutionary principles.

scholarly journals Dominant Political Parties, Struggling for Survival in Nigeria: The Narrative of Decapitated Sleaze and Crusade of Anti-Corruption Legitimacy

2016 ◽  
Vol 67 ◽  
pp. 78-84
Author(s):  
Remi Chukwudi Okeke
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Central Research ◽  
Growth And Survival ◽  
The Core ◽  
Research Questions ◽  
The Government

This paper examines how the dominant political parties in a corruption-prone political system have been struggling for survival (and legitimacy) based on anti-corruption crusades and the attendant supports. The study has in the process, interrogated what may constitute the core concerns of the leading political parties, in such corruption-bedeviled polities. The investigation is fundamentally, a case study of the Nigerian state. Accordingly, the central research questions of the paper are as follows: How are the two dominant political parties in Nigeria brawling for survival? Attendant to the wrestles, what is the fate of good governance in the country? The study finds that while the two dominant political parties are engaged in the scuffle to survive, a national vacuum is in contradiction, created in the area of general political mobilization. It has been posited in the paper that political parties’ legitimacies are never constructed on single societal agenda. It is finally recommended in the work that while the government (in power) may be wedging wars against the debilitating sleaze in the system, the political parties (in order to survive and retain legitimacy) must continously engage in the articulation and aggregation of politically complementary programmes and actions. This would not only lead to the survival of the parties as political entities but in a generic dimension, lead to the critically desired national growth and survival in such countries, where corruption still presents the overriding national challenge. The methodology of the paper is logical argumentation.

scholarly journals The Politics of Public Sector Wages: Ontario’s Social Dialogue for Austerity

2011 ◽  
Vol 7 (1 / 2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bryan Evans
Keyword(s):  
Public Sector ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Common Sense ◽  
Fiscal Capacity ◽  
Social Dialogue ◽  
Conservative Government ◽  
Public Sector Unions ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Fonction Publique

The economic crisis has revealed the extent to which sustaining the key tenets of the ‘Common Sense Revolution’, implemented by the Conservative government of Premier Mike Harris, have eroded the fiscal capacity of Ontario. The proposal to freeze public sector wages and the ensuing consultation with public sector unions and employers in the spring/summer of 2010 signal Ontario is about to return to the rollback neoliberalism that dominated the 1990s. The difference between now and then is the more defensive posture of organized labour and the limited capacities that exist to resist such an assault. La crise économique a révélé l’étendue avec laquelle le maintien des principaux principes du ‘Common Sense Révolution’, introduits par le gouvernement conservateur du Premier Mike Harris, a érodé la capacité fiscale de l’Ontario. La proposition de geler les salaires de la fonction publique et la consultation qui s’ensuivit avec les syndicats et les employeurs du secteur public au cours du printemps et de l’été de 2010 indiquent que l’Ontario est sur le point de retourner au néolibéralisme qui dominait les années 1990. La différence entre aujourd’hui et hier est la position plus défensive du mouvement syndical et les capacités limitées qui existent pour s’opposer à une telle attaque.

scholarly journals URBAN CORRIDOR AS A PUBLIC SPACE CASE STUDY : CORRIDOR PANTAI LOSARI STREET, MAKASSAR CITY

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 166
Author(s):  
Sriany Ersina
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Common Ground ◽  
Public Place ◽  
The Public ◽  
Plural Society ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Space Case ◽  
Urban Corridor

Abstrak_ An ideal public space should be a common ground, open and accessible for all including for people with disabilities. However in fact, along the beach Losari in Makassar City have inaccessible public space. Ideally, the various people who use and do interaction in the public space should be accommodated in the space. The Potential for conflict exist whenever and wherever people contact. Conflict is natural, normal and inevitable whenever people interact together. The disagreement and the difference on values conflict can be indicated by the unavoidable situation in human relationship. Therefore, defining the difference and strategy to manage the conflict in public space will be the focus of the paper. A Synergy, compromise, accommodative action and using a power are among others of the strategy to manage conflict to create a built environment towards an open and accessible public place. A Public space is the common ground where people carry out the functional and ritual activities that bind a community, whether in the normal routines of daily life or in periodic festivities [3] Urban Corridors that deals with mostly public space should serve the public at large, the plural society and the variety of human behavior.Keywords : Public Space; Conflict in Public Place; Urban Corridor.

scholarly journals Shooting Yourself First in the Foot, then in the Head: Normative Democracy Is Suffocating, and then the Coronavirus Came to Light

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 722-740 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul R. Carr
Keyword(s):  
Common Sense ◽  
Social Inequalities ◽  
Social Solidarity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Worlds ◽  
Health Crisis ◽  
Public Health Crisis ◽  
The Common ◽  
Political Economic

Abstract This text starts with the premise that ‘normative democracy’ has rendered our societies vulnerable and burdened with unaddressed social inequalities. I highlight three central arguments: (1) Social media, and, consequently, citizen engagement are becoming a significant filter that can potentially re-imagine the political, economic, and social worlds, which increasingly bleed over to how we might develop and engage with ‘democracy’; to this end, I introduce a brief case study on the nefarious interpretation of the killing of Jamal Khashoggi in 2018 to underscore the tension points in normative democracy; (2) Capitalism, or neoliberalism, needs to be more fully exposed, interrogated, and confronted if ‘normative, representative, hegemonic, electoral democracy’ is to be re-considered, re-imagined, and re-invented; the perpetuation of social inequalities lays bare the frailty of normative democratic institutions; (3) Covid-19 has exposed the fault lines and fissures of normative democracy, illustrating here the ‘common sense’ ways that power imbalances are sustained, which leaves little room for social solidarity; I present herein the case of the economic/labor dynamic in Quebec during the coronavirus. Ultimately, I believe the quest to re-imagine a more meaningful, critically engaged democracy, especially during a context that is imbued with a political, economic, and public health crisis, cannot be delayed much longer.

scholarly journals Politicized Civil Society in Bangladesh: Case Study Analyses

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Farhat Tasnim
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Development ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Local Level ◽  
The State ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Typical Scenario

Although civil society in Bangladesh is recognized for its vibrant performance in social development, it is often criticized for its inability to ensure good governance and democracy. The aim of this paper is to point out the reasons for this failure of civil society. Through performing case studies upon five civil society organizations representing different sector and level of the civil society, the paper concludes that civil society organizations in Bangladesh are often politicized and co-opted by different political parties. In a typical scenario, civil society can provide a counterbalance or even monitor the state both at the national and local level. However, in Bangladesh, often the civil society organizations have compromised their autonomy and politicized themselves to certain political parties or political block. In such a vulnerable position, civil society can hardly play its expected role to ensure good governance and strengthen democracy.

scholarly journals Regional Election Winning Strategy of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP) in North Coast Area of West Java Province (Case Study in Subang and Cirebon Regencies)

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-37
Author(s):  
Muhammad Budiana ◽  
Arry Bainus ◽  
R. Widya ◽  
Setiabudi S. ◽  
Muradi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Winning Strategy ◽  
Influential Factors ◽  
North Coast ◽  
West Java

The research premise is the idea that there was trend in political participation and voting behavior in Subang and Cirebon Regencies, The two biggest bases of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP) in West Java Province. Their power are getting weaker, reflected by the number of their representatives in Representatives Local House. In this research, it is believed that there are three factors which influence those phenomena such as political parties role, figures and identification. The research highlights are the most influential factors on political participation which cause declining support for the party and strategies used by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP) to maintain their constituents. 

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