scholarly journals The ground trembling under our feet : truth, politics and solitude.

Soft Power ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 110-129
Author(s):  
Mirko Alagna

Fake news, Post-Truth are now entries into the ordinary language of contemporary politics to denote - with anxiety and concern - the definitive rupture of the relationship between truth and politics. A relationship that has never been idyllic and that cannot be, constitutively, idyllic, but which now seems to have reached a point of no return. Glossing the reflections of Hannah Arendt in Truth and Politics and pointing out two areas of “political licence” - that is, two areas where, inevitably, politics cannot be judged on parameters of truth - this contribution aims to treat the weakness of shared truths not as a cause of the crisis of democracies, but as a symptom of a more radical problem, an extreme subjectivism that leads to loneliness and intolerance towards any relationship based on trust.

2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 684-704 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ayça Çubukçu

This article offers a close reading of Hannah Arendt’s Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil. It argues that in this text, Arendt consistently, even obsessively, evaluates the legal and moral challenges posed by Eichmann’s trial through the relationship between exception and rule. The article contends that the analytical lens of the exception allows us to appreciate the perplexities that Eichmann in Jerusalem presents – some fifty years after the book’s publication – from a still uncommon perspective, and enables us to attend in new ways to Arendt’s own suppositions, propositions, and contradictions in this text.


2015 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 121
Author(s):  
Juan Pablo Yáñez Godoy

<p align="JUSTIFY"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">La siguiente investigación busca dilucidar el sentido tras la consideración que Miguel Abensour realiza sobre Hannah Arendt, concibiéndola como una «figura de resistencia». Exploraremos, por tanto, el significado de este concepto de resistencia en el pensamiento de Abensour, el contexto donde se inscribe, para luego concebir qué contenido adopta en determinada lectura de la obra de Arendt. Lectura que estará guiada por la reflexión que este filósofo francés lleva a cabo sobre la obra de la alemana, poniendo énfasis en la manera en que ahí se articula la tensión entre filosofía y política. En ese recorrido, nos detendremos principalmente sobre dos puntos: la operación de «desmontaje» que Arendt lleva a cabo sobre la tradición, el movimiento que esta comporta, y la relación que este ejercicio guarda con la Academia, inspirados ciertamente en el combate declarado que Abensour hace de la «empresa académica». </span></p><p align="JUSTIFY"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Palabras clave: filosofía, política, academia, resistencia, contra, Hannah Arendt.</span></p><p align="JUSTIFY"><em><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span></em></p><p align="JUSTIFY"><em><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span></em></p><p align="JUSTIFY"><em><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">The thought of resistance of Hannah Arendt: an analysis of the relationship between philosophyy and politics in one of Miguel Abensour's readings<br /></span></em></p><p align="JUSTIFY"><em><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">This research aims to elucidate Miguel Abensour’s consideration about Hannah Arendt as a ‘figure of resistance’. Hence the meaning of ‘resistance’ as presented by Abensour’s thought and the context in which it is inserted will be explored, in order to understand the content used by the autor when presenting his reading of Arendt’s work. This reading will be guided by Abensour’s reflection about the German writer, emphasizing the tension between politics and philosophy present in her work. Then, two main points will be analyzed: the ‘dismantling’ operation that Arendt’s makes over tradition, the movement that this operation involves, and the relation between the ‘dismantling’ and the Academy, inspired in the declared attack to the ‘academic enterprise’ by Abensour.<br /></span></em></p><p align="JUSTIFY"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><em>Keywords: philosophy, politics, Academy, resistance, against, Hannah Arendt.</em> </span></p><p align="JUSTIFY"> </p><p align="JUSTIFY"> </p>


Universitas ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 87-108
Author(s):  
Víctor Castillo-Riquelme ◽  
Patricio Hermosilla-Urrea ◽  
Juan P. Poblete-Tiznado ◽  
Christian Durán-Anabalón

The dissemination of fake news embodies a pressing problem for democracy that is exacerbated by theubiquity of information available on the Internet and by the exploitation of those who, appealing to theemotionality of audiences, have capitalized on the injection of falsehoods into the social fabric. In thisstudy, through a cross-sectional, correlational and non-experimental design, the relationship betweencredibility in the face of fake news and some types of dysfunctional thoughts was explored in a sampleof Chilean university students. The results reveal that greater credibility in fake news is associated withhigher scores of magical, esoteric and naively optimistic thinking, beliefs that would be the meetingpoint for a series of cognitive biases that operate in the processing of information. The highest correlationis found with the paranormal beliefs facet and, particularly, with ideas about the laws of mentalattraction, telepathy and clairvoyance. Significant differences were also found in credibility in fake newsas a function of the gender of the participants, with the female gender scoring higher on average thanthe male gender. These findings highlight the need to promote critical thinking, skepticism and scientificattitude in all segments of society.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-55
Author(s):  
Maciej Kałuża

In the presented essay, I would like to focus on the relationship between force and power. The idea that power, without resorting to forceful, even violent solutions, is less problematic, is both deceitful and dangerous. Once accepted, it can cause an oversight of violence‐free but possibly harmful forms of power. My focus in the article will be on the two reinterpretations of Master‐Slave dialectics, as presented by Alexandre Kojève and Albert Camus. This will be presented with reference to the position of Hannah Arendt and her remarks on power and force. In conclusion, I will be abstemious: my goal is rather to diagnose and bind the existentialist judgement with the contemporary situation and suggest that thinking outside the force‐power relationship may be continuously fruitful and an important part of reflection on the nature of political power.


2010 ◽  
Vol 112 (2) ◽  
pp. 556-575
Author(s):  
Gert Biesta

Background/Context In discussions about democratic education, there is a strong tendency to see the role of education as that of the preparation of children and young people for their future participation in democratic life. A major problem with this view is that it relies on the idea that the guarantee for democracy lies in the existence of a properly educated citizenry so that once all citizens have received their education, democracy will simply follow. Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study The question that is explored in this article is whether it is possible to think of the relationship between education and democracy differently than in terms of preparation. This is important not only to be able to acknowledge the political nature of democratic education but also to be able to acknowledge the political “foundation” of democratic politics itself. Research Design The argumentation in the article is developed through a critical analysis and discussion of the work of Hannah Arendt, with a specific focus on her ideas about the relationship between education and politics and her views on the role of understanding in politics. Findings/Results Arendt's writings on the relationship between education and politics seem to be informed by a “developmentalistic” perspective in which it is maintained that the child is not yet ready for political life, so education has to be separated from politics and seen as a preparation for future participation in political life. Arendt's writings on politics and the role of understanding in political life point in a different direction. They articulate what it means to exist politically—that is, to exist together in plurality—and highlight that political existence is neither based on, nor can be guaranteed by, moral qualities such as tolerance and respect. Conclusions/Recommendations The main conclusion of the article is that democratic education should not be seen as the preparation of citizens for their future participation in political life. Rather, it should focus on creating opportunities for political existence inside and outside schools. Rather than thinking of democratic education as learning for political existence, it is argued that the focus of our educational endeavours should be on how we can learn from political existence.


2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-28
Author(s):  
Sook Choi ◽  
Sungjoong Kim ◽  
Sung Kyum Cho

2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (Supplement_4) ◽  
Author(s):  
S Paillard-Borg

Abstract Background The relationship between journalists and populations is complicated and the subject of “fake news” is one of these related issues. Despite the controversy, journalistic media are the ground to a well-informed society and as such journalists have the potential to be important actors in the pursuit of population health. At the same time, frustration against journalistic media has increased globally and vulnerable and so-called ’invisible’ groups feel neglected by the media. Methods The Circular Analytical Dialogue is an innovative method for examining the dialogue between journalists and citizens and investigating the role of journalism in promoting social cohesion, population health and democracy. Results The preliminary results of a pilot study in Japan on the topic of migration, using the Circular Analytical Dialogue, show that the dynamic between the participants and the journalists was valued by all parties as it allowed a profound and valuable dialogue. The journalist was most appreciative of the feedback of the participants as it opened alternative perspectives that were not considered beforehand. Conclusions The Circular Analytical Dialogue has the dual ambition to be a research as well as a journalistic tool and the knowledge generated with this method is intended to be used to strengthen understanding about the importance of journalism for healthy democratic societies. Key messages The Circular Analytical Dialogue method reinforces the importance of academic activism strongly related to sustainable societies. The Circular Analytical Dialogue method can potentially contribute to the empowerment of populations fundamental to population health.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (8) ◽  
pp. 1119-1128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dustin P. Calvillo ◽  
Bryan J. Ross ◽  
Ryan J. B. Garcia ◽  
Thomas J. Smelter ◽  
Abraham M. Rutchick

The present research examined the relationship between political ideology and perceptions of the threat of COVID-19. Due to Republican leadership’s initial downplaying of COVID-19 and the resulting partisan media coverage, we predicted that conservatives would perceive it as less threatening. Two preregistered online studies supported this prediction. Conservatism was associated with perceiving less personal vulnerability to the virus and the virus’s severity as lower, and stronger endorsement of the beliefs that the media had exaggerated the virus’s impact and that the spread of the virus was a conspiracy. Conservatism also predicted less accurate discernment between real and fake COVID-19 headlines and fewer accurate responses to COVID-19 knowledge questions. Path analyses suggested that presidential approval, knowledge about COVID-19, and news discernment mediated the relationship between ideology and perceived vulnerability. These results suggest that the relationship between political ideology and threat perceptions may depend on issue framing by political leadership and media.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 243-263
Author(s):  
Carlos Eduardo Gomes Nascimento
Keyword(s):  

A partir do pensamento de Hannah Arendt, o artigo busca compreender o fenômeno das fake news, relacionando-o com o conceito de mentira organizada. Hannah Arendt, pensadora judia, testemunhou tempos sombrios do regime totalitário na Alemanha em meados do século XX. A obra da pensadora chama à atenção que, mesmo findo os regimes totalitários, os riscos da manipulação da realidade espreitam a vida política contemporânea. Identifica-se, assim, as fake news como uma prática da propaganda de massa, oriunda de uma ideia totalitária. As fake news, informações intencionalmente fabricadas e compartilhadas em mídias digitais surgem como instrumento de manipulação social e política, incidindo sobre a educação. Mesmo não tendo um caráter político, para Arendt, a educação tem a responsabilidade de apresentar aos novos a realidade e história de um mundo comum. Conclui-se, que ainda assim diante de todos os riscos políticos, a educação pode ser um modo de resistência à mentira organizada e às fake news.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 32-51
Author(s):  
Harun Güney Akgül

AbstractThis study examines how populist politicians made sense of the issue of fake news. They generally consider fake news as a valuable propaganda tool for their political interests. According to the Reuters Digital News Report in 2018, Turkey ranks first on the list of countries where people complain about completely made-up stories. The study researched how fake news is helping facilitate the rise of populism in Turkey. There is plenty of fake news aired by pro-government media. Therefore, the Turkish government is emerging as a suspect behind the fake news cycle. The fact is that most of the fake news is published for the benefit of the government. Research shows that, paradoxically, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is regarded as one of the most important populist politicians in the world. These two different indicators can be valuable data in revealing the relationship between fake news and populist politicians. The aim of this paper is to consider the significance of this apparent relationship between fake news and President Erdogan. In order to do this, a critical discourse analysis method was based on the fake news about the pastor Brunson case, because Turkish readers came across a huge amount of fake news regarding his case in pro-government media.


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