Can Land Reform Avoid a Left Turn? Evidence from Chile after the Cuban Revolution

2013 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felipe González
Keyword(s):  
Land Reform ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Cuban Revolution ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Left Turn ◽  
Political Effects ◽  
Alliance For Progress ◽  
Incumbent Party

Abstract Following the creation of the Alliance for Progress in 1961, several structural reforms were implemented in Latin America in response to the political effects of the Cuban Revolution. Among these, land reform was arguably the most important policy. Using a unique dataset of land expropriations, and a plausible exogenous variation in land concentration, this paper studies the causal effects this policy had on political support for the incumbent party in the central government. In a context where the incumbent was losing political support (and the power of the left wing was rising), municipalities affected by land reform voted by 3–5 percentage points higher for the incumbent than municipalities not affected by this process. Although it did not prevent the first democratically elected Marxist government, land reform decreased the political support for the left wing party. I discuss several theoretical mechanisms that can explain this empirical result.

Determinants of the Distribution of the Central-Government Budgetary Grants in Turkey

2008 ◽  
Vol 26 (5) ◽  
pp. 954-967 ◽  
Author(s):  
Recep Tekeli ◽  
Muhittin Kaplan
Keyword(s):  
Local Governments ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Fiscal Decentralization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Coalition Government ◽  
Fiscal Disparities ◽  
Grant Allocation ◽  
Incumbent Party ◽  
Government Grant ◽  
Economic Criteria

Intergovernmental grants are the main revenue source of local governments. In the fiscal decentralization literature it has been argued that fiscal disparities across the regions are accounted for in the central-government grant distribution. However, some argue that grants are given to localities to increase the reelection chances of the incumbent or to increase the votes at election. To compete with the opposition parties the incumbent party may try to allocate the grants to aligned local governments. In this paper we analyze the grant allocation in Turkey. We test empirically whether central-government's budgetary transfers to the municipalities were made on the basis of economic criteria or in accordance with the political interest of politicians, and hence the coalition government. To test the hypothesis we followed the literature but we used additional variables. Using municipal data in sixty-one provinces, we find that the desire to secure reelection motivates politicians.

Postdisaster Politics: New Lessons from New Orleans

2018 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 703-725
Author(s):  
Robert S. Montjoy ◽  
Edward E. Chervenak
Keyword(s):  
Hurricane Katrina ◽  
New Orleans ◽  
Local Communities ◽  
Political Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Effects ◽  
Measure Change

How do disasters affect voting? A series of postdisaster studies have sought to answer this question using a retrospective framework through which voters deviate from normal patterns of political support (measured by votes or attitudes) to punish or reward officials for their performance, or lack thereof. Here, we argue that the political effects of disasters can last longer than and be qualitatively different from reactions to the original disaster because postdisaster recoveries generate their own issues, to which voters may respond prospectively, and retrospectively. Local communities affected by disasters are likely sites for this effect because their citizens experience the consequences of a disaster more directly and for longer periods than do national audiences. The case of New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina demonstrates this point. Where most studies of postdisaster politics use partisanship as the baseline against which to measure change, we use race because that has been the overriding division in New Orleans. We show that local political effects of Katrina were much more complex and longer lasting than have been found in prior research based on the retrospective model. In the years following the storm, voters changed the pattern of race-based voting for mayoral candidates, approved major governmental reforms, and responded to prospective issues in their evaluation of the incumbent mayor.

Beyond Conspiracy and Coordinated Ascendancy: Revisiting Caste Question in West Bengal under the Left Front Rule (1977–2011)

2021 ◽  
pp. 2455328X2110084
Author(s):  
Ayan Guha
Keyword(s):  
Land Reform ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
West Bengal ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Unintended Consequence ◽  
Political Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Tactics ◽  
Lower Castes ◽  
Left Front

This article has critically engaged with the speculative claim that the disappearance of caste question from public discourse during Left rule in West Bengal was a result of conscious upper-caste ploy to silence articulation of caste interests and tactfully eliminate the possibility of Dalit political assertion. To verify the veracity of this claim, this study has critically scrutinized Left Front’s political mobilization strategy of rural population and also its landmark land reform initiative. The investigation attempted by this article, in this regard, has revealed that there is little to suggest the existence of any organized upper-caste conspiracy. It is, however, true that the articulation and aggregation of political demands along the lines of caste was indeed averted in West Bengal through political tactics and developmental strategies devised by the upper castes. But, the marginalization of the caste question in mainstream politics was an unintended consequence of such political tactics and developmental strategies which were primarily designed with the objective to preserve and enlarge the political support base, rather than to contain the lower castes. Thus, political motives acted as far more important determinants of political and developmental activities rather than any inherent caste bias.

scholarly journals The Inter-Communal Talks and Political Life in Cyprus: 1974-1983

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 400
Author(s):  
Şevki Kıralp
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Greek Cypriot ◽  
Turkish Cypriot ◽  
Regional Governments

<p>This paper conducts historical research on the inter-communal talks and the political life in the two communities of Cyprus from 1974 to 1983. The period covered by the research commenced with the creation of the bi-regional structure on the island in 1974 and ceased with the declaration of Turkish Cypriot Independence in 1983. As this period constitutes an important threshold in the history of Cyprus, it might be argued that observing the political developments it covers is likely to be beneficial for the literature. The research focused on the two communities’ positions in negotiations as well as their elections and political actors. It utilized Turkish, Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot newspapers (and official press releases), political leaders’ memoirs, national archives of USA (NARA) as well as official online documents. Its findings indicate that the two sides could not reach to a settlement mainly due to their disagreements on the authorities of central and regional governments. While the Turkish Cypriot side promoted broader authorities for the regional governments, the Greek Cypriot side favoured broader authorities for the central government. On the other hand, while Turkish Cypriot leader Denktaş had managed to unite the majority of Turkish Cypriot right-wing voters, the Greek Cypriot right-wing was divided among supporters of Makarios and Clerides. On the other hand, while the Greek Cypriot left-wing was in cooperation with Makarios, the Turkish Cypriot left-wing opposed Denktaş’s policies.  </p>

scholarly journals Key aspects and consequences of Rafael Correa´s left-wing rule in Ecuador

2019 ◽  
pp. 22-25
Author(s):  
Medina González Vinicio Xavier
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Social Situation ◽  
Modern World ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Left Turn ◽  
The Government ◽  
Key Aspects ◽  
Political Economic

The article analyzes the main directions of political radicalism inEcuador, in particular the “left turn” of the Ecuadorian government led by R. Correa. It is proved that the new geopolitical situation in the modern world has led to changes in the political and economic strategy of Latin America, when one of the leading political and ideological trends in recent times in the region has become the “left turn” of a number of Latin American governments, which emerged as an alternative direction in search of achieving social equality and improving the economic situation. The article explores the goal of radical socio-economic transformations inEcuadorin 2007, their main tasks and consequences. An analysis of the key achievements of the government of the “civil revolution” R. Correa is made, their negative consequences are revealed, the analysis of the main effects of radical reforms affecting the political, economic and social situation in Ecuador is carried out. It was revealed that in foreign policy the main tasks forEcuadorwere to reduce dependence on theUnited States, eliminate geopolitical isolation from Europe andAsia, and diversify international relations.

Bread or Roses: How Economic Inequality Affects Regime Support in China?

2021 ◽  
pp. 003232172110480
Author(s):  
Xian Huang ◽  
Cai Zuo
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Politics ◽  
Empirical Test ◽  
Economic Inequality ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Political Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Values ◽  
Political Effects ◽  
Political Value ◽  
Regime Support

Much comparative politics scholarship has examined whether economic inequality affects democratic values or political support in democracies. Nevertheless, they lack a close examination of the political effects of economic inequality and, more importantly, how economic inequality shapes political support in non-democracies. We provide an empirical test of the effect of economic inequality on regime support using the China data from the Asian Barometer Survey between 2002 and 2015. We argue and demonstrate that perceived economic inequality significantly reduces regime support in China. Moreover, using a causal mediation analysis, we find that the detrimental effect of perceived economic inequality on regime support is not driven by demands for redistribution, but rather by the political value orientation. These findings advance our understanding of the connection between economic inequality and political values and the economic base of political legitimacy in non-democracies.

Ein Ende mit Schrecken – Frankreich nach den Wahlen

2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (188) ◽  
pp. 495-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix Syrovatka
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Economic Transformations ◽  
Crisis Of Representation ◽  
Election Results ◽  
Deep Crisis

The presidential and parliamentary elections were a political earthquake for the French political system. While the two big parties experienced massive losses of political support, the rise of new political formations took place. Emmanuel Macron is not only the youngest president of the V. Republic so far, he is also the first president not to be supported by either one of the two biggest parties. This article argues that the election results are an expression of a deep crisis of representation in France that is rooted in the economic transformations of the 1970s. The article analyses the political situation after the elections and tries to give an outlook on further political developments in France.

Kämpfe um Bergbau und die Möglichkeiten demokratischer Transformation

2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (189) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristina Dietz
Keyword(s):  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Social Power ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Political Effects ◽  
Mining Project ◽  
National Governments ◽  
The Relationship

The article explores the political effects of popular consultations as a means of direct democracy in struggles over mining. Building on concepts from participatory and materialist democracy theory, it shows the transformative potentials of processes of direct democracy towards democratization and emancipation under, and beyond, capitalist and liberal democratic conditions. Empirically the analysis is based on a case study on the protests against the La Colosa gold mining project in Colombia. The analysis reveals that although processes of direct democracy in conflicts over mining cannot transform existing class inequalities and social power relations fundamentally, they can nevertheless alter elements thereof. These are for example the relationship between local and national governments, changes of the political agenda of mining and the opening of new spaces for political participation, where previously there were none. It is here where it’s emancipatory potential can be found.

Arte ConTexto

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-52
Author(s):  
Antonio Bellisario ◽  
Leslie Prock
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Pictorial Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Socialist Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military

The article examines Chilean muralism, looking at its role in articulating political struggles in urban public space through a visual political culture perspective that emphasizes its sociological and ideological context. The analysis characterizes the main themes and functions of left-wing brigade muralism and outlines four subpolitical phases: (i) Chilean mural painting’s beginnings in 1940–1950, especially following the influence of Mexican muralism, (ii) the development of brigade muralism for political persuasion under the context of revolutionary sociopolitical upheaval during the 1960s and in the socialist government of Allende from 1970 to 1973, (iii) the characteristics of muralism during the Pinochet dictatorship in the 1980s as a form of popular protest, and (iv) muralism to express broader social discontent during the return to democracy in the 1990s. How did the progressive popular culture movement represent, through murals, the political hopes during Allende’s government and then the political violence suffered under the military dictatorship? Several online repositories of photographs of left-wing brigade murals provide data for the analysis, which suggests that brigade muralism used murals mostly for political expression and for popular education. Visual art’s inherent political dimension is enmeshed in a field of power constituted by hegemony and confrontation. The muralist brigades executed murals to express their political views and offer them to all spectators because the street wall was within everyone's reach. These murals also suggested ideas that went beyond pictorial representation; thus, muralism was a process of education that invited the audience to decipher its polysemic elements.

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