scholarly journals Alternation-based generalizations are stored in the mental grammar: Evidence from a sorting task experiment

2012 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 601-635 ◽  
Author(s):  
Florent Perek,
Keyword(s):  
Argument Structure ◽  
Construction Grammar ◽  
Sorting Task ◽  
Syntactic Form ◽  
Dative Alternation ◽  
The Status

AbstractAccording to constructional approaches, grammar consists of an inventory of symbolic pairings of a syntactic form with an abstract meaning. Many of such so-called constructions can be perceived as having highly similar meanings: such pairs have been discussed under the name of alternations, especially in the domain of argument structure, for example the widely documented dative alternation (e.g. John gave Mary a book vs. John gave a book to Mary). This paper explores what status such pairs of constructions can be given in construction grammar, on the basis of a sorting task experiment.Construction grammar traditionally recognizes generalizations of a common syntactic form over semantically similar sentences, but the status of higher-level generalizations of a common meaning over syntactically different forms is rarely discussed. In our study, we devised a sorting task that subjects could resolve by relying on generalizations of either of these two kinds. We find that subjects rely on alternation-based generalizations more often than purely constructional ones in their sorting behavior. We suggest these results show that generalizations of a common meaning between formally different constructions are plausible categories stored by speakers and should be given more attention in construction grammar research.

scholarly journals From movement into action to manner of causation: changes in argument mapping in the into-causative

Linguistics ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 247-283
Author(s):  
Susanne Flach
Keyword(s):  
Argument Structure ◽  
Language Change ◽  
American English ◽  
Construction Grammar ◽  
Lexical Diversity ◽  
Syntactic Form ◽  
Semantic Classes ◽  
Argument Mapping ◽  
Last 300 Years ◽  
Argument Roles

Abstract Over the last 300 years, the into-causative (he talked his father into giving him money) increased in frequency and lexical diversity. Changes of this kind are often taken as evidence of functional expansion. From a Construction Grammar (CxG) perspective, this paper argues that what appears to be a loss of restrictions on the verbal slot results from changes in argument mapping links. As the construction provides the argument roles by mapping semantics (causer, causee, result) onto syntax (subject, object, oblique), stronger mapping links increasingly facilitated the use of verbs that are semantically and syntactically atypical for the expression of causation. Data from the Corpus of Historical American English confirm three predictions of this hypothesis with respect to shifts in (i) the semantic classes of matrix verbs, (ii) their general argument structure preferences, and (iii) voice-marking. The results provide evidence for a subtle semantic change from movement into action to manner of causation. The increase in frequency and productivity are hence explained as the consequence of the syntactic form becoming a more reliable cue for causative meaning. We discuss implications for models of language change against the background of current issues in Diachronic Construction Grammar (DCxG) pertaining to constructionalization vs. constructional change.

Phonological elements and Diasystematic Construction Grammar

2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 202-231 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steffen Höder
Keyword(s):  
Construction Grammar ◽  
The Status ◽  
Language Boundaries

Usage-based CxG approaches share the central assumption that any grammar has to be acquired and organised through input-based abstraction and categorisation. Diasystematic Construction Grammar (DCxG) is based on the idea that these processes are not sensitive to language boundaries. Multilingual input thus results in multilingual grammars which are conceived of as constructicons containing language-specific as well as language-unspecific constructions. Within such systems, phonological structures play an important part in the identification of schematic constructions. However, the status of phonology in DCxG, as in CxG in general, yet remains unclear. This paper presents some arguments for including phonological elements systematically in the construction-based analysis of (multilingual) constructional systems.

A construction grammar analysis of the transitivebeperfect in present-day Canadian English

2015 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-178 ◽  
Author(s):  
YURI YERASTOV
Keyword(s):  
Argument Structure ◽  
Construction Grammar ◽  
Syntactic Analysis ◽  
Underlying Structure ◽  
Canadian English ◽  
Syntactic Theory ◽  
Fixed Material ◽  
Grammar Analysis ◽  
Generative Approach ◽  
Surface Realization

This article offers a syntactic analysis of the construction [be doneNP], e.g.I am done dinner, I am finished my homework, as found in Canadian English and some US dialects. After situating this construction in the context of a productive transitivebeperfect in Scots/English dialects, [be doneNP] will be distinguished from a set of its conceptual and structural relatives, and ultimately be shown not to be reducible to a surface realization of another underlying structure. From the perspective of syntactic theory, the article problematizes the parsimony of the mainstream generative approach (most recently in MacFadden & Alexiadou 2010) in accounting for the facts of [be doneNP] on strictly compositional grounds, as well as the mainstream view of lexical items as projecting theta grids and subcategorization frames (as e.g. in Grimshaw 1979; Emonds 2000). Following Fillmoreet al.(1988), Goldberg (1995, 2005) and others, what will be suggested instead is a construction grammar approach to [be doneNP], under which a construction holistically licenses its argument structure. Along these lines [be doneNP] will be characterized as an abstract construction with some fixed material.

Argument structure satisfaction via unselected adjuncts

2021 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seiko Fujii ◽  
Russell Lee-Goldman
Keyword(s):  
Argument Structure ◽  
Speech Act ◽  
Construction Grammar ◽  
Main Clause ◽  
Semantic Approach ◽  
The Core ◽  
Frame Element

Abstract This paper presents a frame-based constructional approach to argument structure satisfaction via unselected adjuncts, by focusing on one such case in Japanese. It points out an intriguing constructional phenomenon whereby causal adjunct clauses marked with node ‘because’, as used with main-clause predicates that evoke communication frames (such as Telling and Warning), serve to satisfy main-clause argument structure. The node clause precedes the main-clause speech act of telling/warning, and can be interpreted as a speech-act causal (Sweetser 1990). The node clause at the same time conveys the content of informing or warning, i.e., the core Frame Element message, which is absent as a main-clause complement. This analysis of argument structure satisfaction via unselected adjuncts provides evidence for a Frame Semantic approach to argument structure that incorporates Construction Grammar.

scholarly journals Passives and impersonals

2003 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 473-520 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAMES P. BLEVINS
Keyword(s):  
Argument Structure ◽  
Human Subjects ◽  
Strong Tendency ◽  
Human Agent ◽  
Verb Forms ◽  
The Status ◽  
Direct Objects

This paper argues that the term ‘passive’ has been systematically misapplied to a class of impersonal constructions that suppress the realization of a syntactic subject. The reclassification of these constructions highlights a typological contrast between two types of verbal diathesis and clarifies the status of putative ‘passives of unaccusatives’ and ‘transitive passives’ in Balto-Finnic and Balto-Slavic. Impersonal verb forms differ from passives in two key respects: they are insensitive to the argument structure of a verb and can be formed from unergatives or unaccusatives, and they may retain direct objects. As with other subjectless forms of personal verbs, there is a strong tendency to interpret the suppressed subject of an impersonal as an indefinite human agent. Hence impersonalization is often felicitous only for verbs that select human subjects.

Morphology and Argument Alternations

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malka Rappaport Hovav
Keyword(s):  
Argument Structure ◽  
Causative Alternation ◽  
Dative Alternation ◽  
Linguistic Patterns ◽  
Argument Realization ◽  
Morphologically Rich Languages ◽  
Shed Light ◽  
Morphological Patterns

Theories of argument realization typically associate verbs with an argument structure and provide algorithms for the mapping of argument structure to morphosyntactic realization. A major challenge to such theories comes from the fact that most verbs have more than one option for argument realization. Sometimes a particular range of realization options for a verb is systematic in that it is consistently available to a relatively well-defined class of verbs; it is then considered to be one of a set of recognized argument alternations. Often—but not always—these argument alternations are associated morphological marking. An examination of cross-linguistic patterns of morphology associated with the causative alternation and the dative alternation reveals that the alternation is not directly encoded in the morphology. For both alternations, understanding the morphological patterns requires an understanding of the interaction between the semantics of the verb and the construction the verb is integrated into. Strikingly, similar interactions between the verb and the construction are found in languages that do not mark the alternations morphologically, and the patterns of morphological marking in morphologically rich languages can shed light on the appropriate analysis of the alternations in languages that do not mark the alternations morphologically.

The effects of the pronoun me on dative comprehension

2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (6) ◽  
pp. 1127-1141
Author(s):  
Erin CONWELL
Keyword(s):  
Argument Structure ◽  
Double Object ◽  
Syntactic Structures ◽  
Dative Alternation ◽  
Pronoun Use ◽  
Object Form

AbstractThe English dative alternation has received much attention in the literature on argument structure acquisition in children. However, the data on the acquisition of this alternation have consistently revealed a counter-intuitive pattern: children look more proficient with the lower frequency prepositional form of the dative than with the higher frequency double object form (Conwell & Demuth, 2007; Rowland & Noble, 2010). This may be because the DO dative typically occurs with pronominal argument types in first post-verbal position, which may result in an over-reliance on stereotyped forms (e.g., give + me) for early comprehension and production (Conwell, O'Donnell, & Snedeker, 2011). This paper presents three studies of the effects of the pronoun me on dative comprehension by three-year-olds. Children's comprehension of the DO dative improved significantly when the first post-verbal argument was pronominal; no other effects of pronoun use were significant. Children's experience affects their ability to use lexically general representations of syntactic structures.

Are Constructions Dialect-Proof?

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Debra Ziegeler
Keyword(s):  
Construction Grammar ◽  
Source Language ◽  
Syntactic Form ◽  
Bare Nominal ◽  
Construction Type ◽  
Selection Of

The present chapter outlines the possible problems that may arise from applying a construction grammar approach to the study of international dialects of English. Using Singapore English as a base for comparison, it discusses construction types such as the progressive construction, the ‘false’ transitive construction, and the bare nominal construction (BNC), raising the question whether constructions in contact situations can be seen as constructions of the lexifier source language or the substrate languages which usually provide the syntactic source for the construction type. It also approaches the notion of ‘coercion’ often associated with construction analysis, and proposes that such a notion need not be evoked at all, given the hypothesis of ‘merger’ constructions, which in many cases can justify the selection of an ambiguous syntactic form across dialects by accommodating two (allo-construction) variants of the same construction type.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document