Die Programmierung des Vergessens - Massenmedien und Geschichtsbewußtsein

1987 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Maximilian Gottschlich

SummaryThe election of Kurt Waldheim as Austrian Federal President in June 1986 as well as Austrian public reaction to western criticism, have made one thing clear: More than 40 years after the catastrophe of National Socialism, the mechanisms of forgetting and ignoring are still in full swing in Austria. Guilty for the collective inability to remember, the inability to realize Austria’s culpable involvement in the Nazi dictatorship and thus for the current neurosis, the growing anti-Semitism and anti-Americanism, are the silent Church, and particularly the political parties and the Austrian media. In the second year after Waldheim’s election - if one analyzes the structures of public communication in Austria - there is less talk than ever of dealing with history, enlightenment, or even “sad work”. Public opinion emphasizes chauvinism of the Alpine republic, hatred of Jews, and hostility toward the United States. In addition, basic media difficulties can be seen in handling the past, particularly the difficulty to make historical processes visible in the abundance of shots of current events, and the focusing of the media on what is going on here and now.

Author(s):  
Sara Fanning

This chapter looks at the newspapers that were central to those who were advocating a change in the relationship between Haiti and the United States. These newspapers were filled with reports about Haiti and Haitian leaders, including public proclamations, the “progress” of the island, and the commercial opportunities. Even reports that focused on trade offered accounts of Haiti's government and current events as context. Editors such as Hezekiah Niles and Benjamin Lundy and countless others contributed to this public file on Haiti. Niles published Niles' Weekly Register and prided himself on the paper's impartiality in an era when newspapers understood their role as representing particular political parties. Benjamin Lundy, the most famous American abolitionist in the 1820s, also lived in Baltimore to publish Genius of Universal Emancipation. He established his paper specifically to function as an antislavery voice and pushed the cause of Haitian recognition and emigration with it.


2020 ◽  

This edited volume provides the reader with a concise and detailed overview of political developments in the United States since the beginning of the Trump administration. It critically analyses domestic and foreign politics as well as current events, and places them in the wider context of US politics. Its chapters present thorough analyses on domestic and foreign policy issues, for example environmental policy, media politics, economic reforms, transatlantic relations and security policy. The book discusses both the successes and failures of the Trump administration and explores how actors in Congress, the public and in political parties have influenced politics in the US. The aim is to allow for an in-depth analysis of US politics in an age dominated by incessant tweets and changing headlines. With contributions by Philipp Adorf, Florian Böller, Michael Dreyer, Christoph Haas, Steffen Hagemann, Jörg Hebenstreit, Lukas Herr, Curd Knüpfer, Simon Koschut, Christian Lammert, Betsy Leimbigler, Markus Müller, Ronja Ritthaler-Andree, Markus Siewert, David Sirakov, Oliver Thränert, Sarah Wagner, Iris Wurm.


Author(s):  
David A. Hamburg ◽  
Beatrix A. Hamburg

The media, even in democratic societies, have been faulted for glorifying violence, especially in the entertainment industry. And we have seen how the harsh use of hateful propaganda through the media, by nationalist and sectarian leaders, can inflame conflicts in many parts of the world. The international community can support media that portray accurate information on current events, show constructive relations between different groups, and report instances in which violence has been prevented. Foundations, commissions, and universities can work with broadcasters to help provide responsible, insightful coverage of serious conflicts. For example, through constructive interactions with the Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict, CNN International moved to balance coverage of violence and strategies for peaceful conflict resolution. Social action for prosocial media may become an effective function of nongovernmental organizations, similar to their achievements in human rights. Research findings have established a causal link between children’s television viewing and their subsequent behavior in the United States and a variety of other countries (e.g., Australia, Finland, Israel, the Netherlands, Poland). Both aggressive and prosocial behaviors can be evoked, depending on the content of programs. There is no reason to assume that the impact of movies is substantially different. As early as age 2, children imitate behaviors (including violent behaviors) seen on television, and the effects may last into their teen years. Must violent content predominate forever? How can the media help to prevent deadly conflicts in the future? The proliferation of media in all forms constitutes an important aspect of globalization. Films, television, print, radio, and the Internet have immense power to reach people with powerful messages, for better and worse. At present, the United States is largely responsible for the output of film and television content seen by people worldwide. But advances in technology are making it increasingly feasible for media to be produced in all parts of the world—all too often with messages of hate, and they may become even more dangerous than the excessive violence in U.S. television and movies. Films have great, unused potential for encouraging peace and for nonviolent problem solving. They entertain, educate, and constitute a widely shared experience.


Author(s):  
Zakhar Vasilievich Pokudov ◽  
Viktor Evgenievich Tumanin ◽  
Marat Zufarovich Galiullin ◽  
Elvira Imbelevna Kamaletdinova

The aim of the article is to study European integration and the expansion of the European union together with the Atlantic alliance during George W. Bush's second term (2004-2008), for which the historical method was used. Despite the tendency that most researchers in the field of modern history and political science tend to focus on current events, and according to this logic it would be more appropriate to analyze Trump's foreign policy, in order to better understand the contemporary tension between the EU and the United States, today it is imperative to take a look at some contemporary historical processes. It is concluded that, to which George W. Bush's rhetoric has much in common with Donald Trump, he also laid the groundwork for change in U.S. foreign policy during Barack Obama's presidential term (2008-2016). The one-sided approach promoted primarily during George W. Bush's first term went from a gradual transformation of coalition building and the full support of the Atlantic alliance allies for the operation in Afghanistan in 2001, to more controversial rhetoric about "rebel states."


Author(s):  
Maia Hallward

Mainline Protestant denominations in the United States have a history of using divestment as an economic form of nonviolent moral activism. While such activism can have a domestic focus, at times church divestment efforts have emphasized foreign policy issues as an extension of church activism in the areas of social justice and moral reform. Churches have used economic activism such as divestment from apartheid South Africa and investment screens to prevent church pension and other funds from being used for products and services—such as alcohol, tobacco and munitions—deemed “immoral” by church bodies. The case of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict illustrates the broader themes and tensions involved in church divestment debates, given the media coverage that has been generated by the topic due to the special relationship between Christians and the holy land and the troubled history of Christianity and anti-Semitism. Some Protestant denominations, particularly those with a history of engagement in Israel/Palestine, have responded to the Palestinians’ call for boycott, divestment, and sanctions (BDS) to advance their freedom and human rights. However, such responses have not been immune from debate and controversy. Some mainline Protestant denominations, including the Presbyterian Church USA (PCUSA), the United Methodist Church, and the Episcopal Church have debated resolutions dealing with church divestment from companies profiting from Israel’s occupation of Palestinian territories. Such resolutions have resulted in pushback from some parties, including efforts to criminalize boycott of Israel.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (8) ◽  
pp. 1024-1036 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin C Barton

In the post-truth era, information is harder to trust than ever before. News has become more about entertainment than information and consumers now subscribe to media in order to have their view reinforced and not challenged. The media environment has become more tribal, defining the people who consume it. On top of this environment, the plague that is fake news has descended upon the internet, making truth a relative concept rather than a scientific one. Navigating the media and finding truth in current events has become a confusing process. In the wake of the major events of 2016 – Brexit and the United States election, two events that were defined by misinformation, lies and fake news – post-truth emerged as a political term to define the era we now live in. It is one where truth is of little value and people give in to the politics of emotion rather than fact. This sets a dangerous scene for democracy and threatens to undermine any major future democratic processes. In order to alleviate this issue, a critical media literacy must be adopted in education. Students need to be given the tools to critically analyse media as well as understand the structures of power behind media organizations, what their goals are and who they serve. In doing so, fake news can lose much of its power and truth can emerge.


2004 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
James E. Goggin

Interest in the fate of the German psychoanalysts who had to flee Hitler's Germany and find refuge in a new nation, such as the United States, has increased. The ‘émigré research’ shows that several themes recur: (1) the theme of ‘loss’ of one's culture, homeland, language, and family; and (2) the ambiva-lent welcome these émigrés received in their new country. We describe the political-social-cultural context that existed in the United States during the 1930s, 1940s and 1950s. Documentary evidence found in the FBI files of three émigré psychoanalysts, Clara Happel, Martin Grotjahn, and Otto Fenichel, are then presented in combination with other source material. This provides a provisional impression of how each of these three individuals experienced their emigration. As such, it gives us elements of a history. The FBI documents suggest that the American atmosphere of political insecurity and fear-based ethnocentric nationalism may have reinforced their old fears of National Socialism, and contributed to their inclination to inhibit or seal off parts of them-selves and their personal histories in order to adapt to their new home and become Americanized. They abandoned the rich social, cultural, political tradition that was part of European psychoanalysis. Finally, we look at these elements of a history in order to ask a larger question about the appropriate balance between a liberal democratic government's right to protect itself from internal and external threats on the one hand, or crossover into the blatant invasion of civil rights and due process on the other.


Author(s):  
Aleksandr I. Sapozhnikov
Keyword(s):  

Newspaper aims at actual informing the readers on the current events, that’s why many think that it will get out of date some days after. But in the following years the newspaper remains in demand, although this demand might be decreased. The author argues that with the course of time it changes from the media of operative information to a valuable historical resource.


Contention ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
AK Thompson

George Floyd’s murder by police on 26 May 2020 set off a cycle of struggle that was notable for its size, intensity, and rate of diffusion. Starting in Minneapolis, the uprising quickly spread to dozens of other major cities and brought with it a repertoire that included riots, arson, and looting. In many places, these tactics coexisted with more familiar actions like public assemblies and mass marches; however, the inflection these tactics gave to the cycle of contention is not easily reconciled with the protest repertoire most frequently mobilized during movement campaigns in the United States today. This discrepancy has led to extensive commentary by scholars and movement participants, who have often weighed in by considering the moral and strategic efficacy of the chosen tactics. Such considerations should not be discounted. Nevertheless, I argue that both the dynamics of contention witnessed during the uprising and their ambivalent relationship to the established protest repertoire must first be understood in historical terms. By considering the relationship between violence, social movements, and Black freedom struggles in this way, I argue that scholars can develop a better understanding of current events while anticipating how the dynamics of contention are likely to develop going forward. Being attentive to these dynamics should in turn inform our research agendas, and it is with this aim in mind that I offer the following ten theses.


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