Unerwünschte Rückkehrer. Staatsbürgerschaft und Eigentum deutscher Juden in der Nachkriegstschechoslowakei

Naharaim ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Matěj Spurný

The issue of displacement of the German speaking population of Czechoslovakia after the Second World War has been a subject of a broader Czech, German and international debate for several decades. This article examines the position of German-speaking Jews from Czech lands returning from emigration or concentration camps after the end of the war and the process of the nationalization of citizenship and property rights in post-war Czechoslovakia. As Jews, these former citizens of Czechoslovakia were undoubtedly victims of the National Socialist terror. As people of German (or at least non-Czech) nationality, however, they fit into particular categories affected by presidential decrees. This article shows how state authorities, and local officials especially, tried to use the post-war situation to eradicate all aspects of what was called “Germanness.” The story of German-speaking Jews in post-war Czechoslovakia is an element in the process of the disintegration of the state of law in post-war central-eastern Europe.

2011 ◽  
Vol 70 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-193
Author(s):  
Frank Seberechts

Uit de papieren van jeugdleider John Caremans, die aan de zorgen van het ADVN werden toevertrouwd, krijgen we een duidelijker beeld van de geschiedenis van de Vlaams-nationalistische jeugdbewegingen voor en tijdens de Tweede Wereldoorlog. Caremans voert in 1942 in opdracht van zijn oversten ‘verkenningsopdrachten’ uit bij vertegenwoordigers van de nationaal-socialistische jeugdbeweging in Duitsland. Uit het verslag dat Caremans over zijn reizen opstelt en uit de naoorlogse ondervragingen van Caremans en van zijn chef, jeugdleider Edgar Lehembre, blijkt dat deze reizen naar Berlijn slechts een episode vormen in de strijd die gedurende de hele bezetting woedt tussen de verschillende jeugdbewegingen in Vlaanderen en tussen, de verschillende partijen en ideologische strekkingen in de collaboratie. Alle ingrediënten zijn aanwezig: de scepsis van een deel van de Nationaal-Socialistische Jeugd Vlaanderen (NSJV) tegenover de brute nationaal-socialistische machtshonger, het onbegrip en de machtspolitiek van Duitse instanties als het Deutsche Arbeiterfront (DAF) en de Hitlerjugend (HJ) tegenover de buitenlanders – zelfs wanneer die zich in de collaboratie inschakelen, de inmenging van Vlaamsch Nationaal Verbond (VNV) en van de Vlaamsch-Duitsche Arbeidsgemeenschap (DeVlag)/SS. Het wordt duidelijk dat Lehembre en het VNV in deze strijd het onderspit zullen delven.________“Something on behalf of our young people”. John Caremans, Edgar Lehembre, Remi Van Mieghem and the Flemish and German machinations concerning the Flemish nationalist youth movement in 1942.The documents of youth leader John Caremans, which had been entrusted to the care of the ADVN, give a clearer picture of the history of the Flemish Nationalist youth movements before and during the Second World War. In 1942, Caremans was instructed by his superiors to carry out ‘exploratory missions’ among representatives of the National Socialist youth movement in Germany.The report written by Caremans about his travels and post-war interrogations of Caremans and his chief, youth leader, Edgar Lehembre, demonstrate that these trips to Berlin constituted only one episode in the struggle that raged throughout the occupation between the various youth movements in Flanders and between the various parties and ideological trends in the collaboration. All ingredients are present: the scepticism of a part of the National Socialist Youth of Flanders (NSJV) towards the brute National Socialist craving for power, the incomprehension and the power politics of German agencies, like the Deutsche Arbeiterfront (DAF) and the Hitlerjugend (HJ) towards foreigners – even when they engage in collaboration, the interference of the Flemish National Union (VNV) and the Flemish German Labour Community (De Vlag)/SS. It becomes clear that Lehembre and the VNV would come off worst in this combat.


2019 ◽  
Vol 77 (4) ◽  
pp. 309-328
Author(s):  
Aragorn Fuhrmann

Deze paper beoogt een nieuw licht te werpen op het vroege literaire werk van Hugo Claus, meer bepaald op De Oostakkerse gedichten (1955). Claus’ canonieke dichtbundel werd tot dusver hoofdzakelijk gelezen vanuit een klassiek structuralistisch paradigma. Dat betekent dat Claus’ gedichten steevast werden losgekoppeld van hun biografische en historische context. In dat verband opteert deze paper voor een alternatieve lezing. Uitgangspunt vormt het oorlogsverleden van de auteur: Claus was tijdens de Tweede Wereldoorlog lid van een nationaalsocialistische jeugdbeweging en groeide op in een milieu van collaborateurs en geradicaliseerde Vlaams-nationalisten. Nadat de schrijver dit verleden eerst probeerde te ontvluchten door naar Parijs te reizen en zich daar expliciet te profileren als een autonome en kosmopolitische kunstenaar, ging hij er vanaf 1952 toch steeds weer de confrontatie mee aan. In de zomer van dat jaar ging Claus gedurende enkele maanden op bezoek bij zijn familie in Lourdes-Oostakker. Tijdens zijn verblijf in het Oost-Vlaamse dorp en bedevaartsoord kwam hij niet alleen opnieuw in aanraking met de financiële en relationele problemen van zijn door de repressie getekende bloedverwanten, hij werd er ook geconfronteerd met een Vlaanderen dat zijn oorlogsverleden nog steeds niet kritisch had verwerkt. Lourdes-Oostakker bleek het decor te vormen van een van de vele ideologisch verre van onschuldige oostfrontherdenkingen die op dat moment op verschillende plekken in Vlaanderen werden georganiseerd. Tegen die achtergrond schreef Claus een eerste versie van zijn Oostakkerse gedichten: een scherpzinnig onderzoek naar de unheimliche parallellen tussen het nationaalsocialisme en het christelijke denken én zijn eerste, poëtische aanklacht tegen het naoorlogse, in rites en mythes verstrikte Vlaanderen.___________ The rapid-fire writer, war and collaboration. Trauma processing in Hugo Claus’s ‘Nota’s voor een Oostakkerse Cantate’ This paper aims to shed new light on Hugo Claus’s early work, in particular his De Oostakkerse gedichten (1955). Notwithstanding a few exceptions, this work has generally been analysed from a classic structuralist paradigm. Consequently, Claus’s poems have continuously been detached from their biographical and historical contexts. To address this issue, this paper will propose an alternative approach. It will stress the prevalence of Claus’s wartime experiences, when, in a context of collaborating and radicalized Flemish nationalists, he became a member of a National-Socialist youth organisation. After first discarding his wartime upbringing by travelling to Paris and proclaiming to be an autonomous and cosmopolitan artist, Claus would start to confront his past during the summer of 1952, when he visited his family in Lourdes-Oostakker for a couple of months. During this time, Claus would not only encounter destitute family members who were affected by the post-war repression, but also be struck by the fact that Flanders had still not critically addressed its role and involvement in the Second World War. Moreover, Lourdes-Oostakker was one of many sites in Flanders that commemorated those that had fought at the eastern front during the war in a highly partisan manner. It is in these circumstances that Claus would write his initial version of the De Oostakkerse gedichten, constituting an astute examination of the disquieting parallels beween National Socialism and Christian rationale as well as his first, poetical charge against the rites and myths that marked post-war Flanders.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans Petter Graver

In his book ‘Der Krieg der Richter’ (The Judges’ War), Hans Petter Graver, a professor at the Department of Private Law at the University of Oslo, analyses the role of German and Norwegian courts during Germany’s occupation of Norway from 1940 to 1945. During the Second World War, ‘cruel judges and magistrates’ also fulfilled their ‘duty’ in Norway, above all those from the ‘Reichskriegsgericht’, the highest military court in Nazi Germany, the SS and police court in Oslo, and various special tribunals and drumhead court martials. While Nazification affected almost the entire Norwegian legal system, not least through the Norwegian far-right party Nasjonal Samling, there were some protests among the judiciary. However, how can their relatively weak resistance be explained? How did they reconcile the National Socialist ethos with their understanding of their own occupation and their professional ethics? In this book, Hans Petter Graver now provides German-speaking readers with a fascinating insight into a time replete with moral issues.


2021 ◽  

Although more than 75 years have elapsed since the end of the Second World War, the magnitude of crimes and their long-term effects, caused also by lawyers e.g. in German special courts, make the subject of liability of the state in the context of the Second World War ever topical and valid. Historia magistra vitae est, and the process of learning from history should in this case cover not only the years 1933–1945, but also the entire post-war period. Justice was neither restored nor meted out. One of the reasons for the lack of administration of justice was West Germany's conscious policy of personal continuity after the Second World War. The latter was the topic of the Rosenburg Exhibition – the Federal Ministry of Justice of the Federal Republic of Germany in the Shadow of National Socialist Past. The texts grew out of the context of the exhibition and show the far-reaching consequences of War and Nazi crimes in international relations of a legal nature.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-50
Author(s):  
John Marsland

During the twenty years after the Second World War, housing began to be seen as a basic right among many in the west, and the British welfare state included many policies and provisions to provide decent shelter for its citizens. This article focuses on the period circa 1968–85, because this was a time in England when the lack of affordable, secure-tenured housing reached a crisis level at the same time that central and local governmental housing policies received wider scrutiny for their ineffectiveness. My argument is that despite post-war laws and rhetoric, many Britons lived through a housing disaster and for many the most rational way they could solve their housing needs was to exploit loopholes in the law (as well as to break them out right). While the main focus of the article is on young British squatters, there is scope for transnational comparison. Squatters in other parts of the world looked to their example to address the housing needs in their own countries, especially as privatization of public services spread globally in the 1980s and 1990s. Dutch, Spanish, German and American squatters were involved in a symbiotic exchange of ideas and sometimes people with the British squatters and each other, and practices and rhetoric from one place were quickly adopted or rejected based on the success or failure in each place.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 142-156
Author(s):  
A. Yu. Timofeev

The article considers the perception of World War II in modern Serbian society. Despite the stability of Serbian-Russian shared historical memory, the attitudes of both countries towards World wars differ. There is a huge contrast in the perception of the First and Second World War in Russian and Serbian societies. For the Serbs the events of World War II are obscured by the memories of the Civil War, which broke out in the country immediately after the occupation in 1941 and continued several years after 1945. Over 70% of Yugoslavs killed during the Second World War were slaughtered by the citizens of former Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The terror unleashed by Tito in the first postwar decade in 1944-1954 was proportionally bloodier than Stalin repressions in the postwar USSR. The number of emigrants from Yugoslavia after the establishment of the Tito's dictatorship was proportionally equal to the number of refugees from Russia after the Civil War (1,5-2% of prewar population). In the post-war years, open manipulations with the obvious facts of World War II took place in Tito's Yugoslavia. In the 1990s the memories repressed during the communist years were set free and publicly debated. After the fall of the one-party system the memory of World War II was devalued. The memory of the Russian-Serbian military fraternity forged during the World War II began to revive in Serbia due to the foreign policy changes in 2008. In October 2008 the President of Russia paid a visit to Serbia which began the process of (re) construction of World War II in Serbian historical memory. According to the public opinion surveys, a positive attitude towards Russia and Russians in Serbia strengthens the memories on general resistance to Nazism with memories of fratricide during the civil conflict events of 1941-1945 still dominating in Serbian society.


Author(s):  
Igor Lyubchyk

The research issue peculiarities of wide Russian propaganda among the most Western ethnographic group – Lemkies is revealed in the article. The character and orientation of Russian and Soviet agitation through the social, religious and social movements aimed at supporting Russian identity in the region are traced. Tragic pages during the First World War were Thalrogian prisons for Lemkas, which actually swept Lemkivshchyna through Muscovophilian influences. Agitation for Russian Orthodoxy has provoked frequent cases of sharp conflicts between Lemkas. In general, attempts by moskvophile agitators to impose russian identity on the Orthodox rite were failed. Taking advantage of the complex socio-economic situation of Lemkos, Russian campaigners began to promote moving to the USSR. Another stage of Russian propaganda among Lemkos began with the onset of the Second World War. Throughout the territory of the Galician Lemkivshchyna, Soviet propaganda for resettlement to the USSR began rather quickly. During the dramatic events of the Second World War and the post-war period, despite the outbreaks of the liberation movement, among the Lemkoswere manifestations of political sympathies oriented toward the USSR. Keywords: borderlands, Lemkivshchyna, Lemky, Lemkivsky schism, Moskvophile, Orthodoxy, agitation, ethnopolitics


Author(s):  
Magdalena Saryusz-Wolska

The article focuses on advertisements as visual and historical sources. The material comes from the German press that appeared immediately after the end of the Second World War. During this time, all kinds of products were scarce. In comparison to this, colorful advertisements of luxury products are more than noteworthy. What do these images tell us about the early post-war years in Germany? The author argues that advertisements are a medium that shapes social norms. Rather than reflecting the historical realities, advertisements construct them. From an aesthetical and cultural point of view, advertisements gave thus a sense of continuity between the pre- and post-war years. The author suggests, therefore, that the advertisements should not be treated as a source for economic history. They are, however, important for studying social developments that occurred in the past.


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