scholarly journals Quasi-Governmental Organizations at the Local Level: Publicly-Appointed Directors Leading Nonprofit Organizations

2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 289-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Mead ◽  
Katherine Warren

AbstractQuasi-Governmental Organizations (QGOs) are organizations that have both public and private characteristics, not fitting neatly into either category. One type of QGO is an organization incorporated as a private, nonprofit organization, but run by a board of directors that is composed of government officials or directors appointed by a unit of traditional government. These QGOs pose distinct conceptual and policy challenges that differ from those of traditional government entities or purely private nonprofits. Drawing on a convenience sample of five such QGOs incorporated in one metropolitan region (Greater Cleveland, Ohio), this piece explores potential reasons for, and possible pitfalls of, mixing private organizational legal status with public-affiliated leaders by developing a framework and proposing a research agenda for future study.

2011 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine E. Wilson

This paper examines the central role played by immigrant nonprofit organizations in the fight for Comprehensive Immigration Reform (CIR) in the City of Philadelphia from 2009-2010. Relying on sixteen months of ethnographic research (April 2009-August 2010), including over seventy interviews of nonprofit, public, and private sector leaders, this paper explores how immigrant nonprofit organizations participated in the one-year lifecycle of the Reform Immigration for America (RI4A) campaign in Philadelphia. Furthermore, the paper analyzes the institutional legacy the campaign left on these organizations, as they continue to promote immigrant integration and engage in political advocacy at the local level. Finally, the paper shares lessons learned from the Philadelphia-based campaign as immigrant coalitions throughout the United States grapple with the prospect of immigration reform amid political polarization and an uncertain economic climate.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 116-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jaymelee J. Kim

While traditionally underrepresented in transitional justice studies, anthropological study of culture, ethnography, and processes can contribute valuable insight into colonial bureaucracies and dynamics of power. This article uses an ethnographic approach and a colonial bureaucratic violence theoretical foundation to analyze negative perceptions of transitional justice at the ground level. Participants included facilitators, government officials, nonprofit organizations, and Indigenous community members; research occurred during implementation of transitional justice (2011–2014) for a period of 12 months. Specifically, I argue that the relationship between transitional justice and colonial bureaucratic violence encourages negative views of transitional justice. Instead, ethnographic data first reveals that bureaucratic processes within transitional justice challenge Indigenous identities. Second, Indigenous survivors in British Columbia, Canada, largely view transitional justice on a continuum of colonial bureaucratic violence. Using a colonial bureaucratic violence framework, this article provides insight and nuance into perceptions of transitional justice at the local level.


Author(s):  
Liubomyr Hrytsak ◽  
◽  
Mykola Durman ◽  
Olena Durman ◽  
◽  
...  

The article notes that today a key place in civil society belongs to non-governmental organizations (NGOs), as they serve as a link between citizens (business) and government. During their activities in Ukraine, international NGOs have offered and implemented a wide range of services, as well as developed and implemented various projects aimed at developing various sectors of the economy and activating civil society. One of the points of the NGO's efforts is the education of local government officials and deputies of local councils, which is especially relevant in the framework of the implementation of decentralization reform, which has been taking place in Ukraine since 2014. At the same time, deputies must have knowledge and skills in very broad areas of government, and their political literacy directly affects the success of democratic change in Ukraine, especially changes at the local level, and the dynamic socio-economic development of local communities. In this case, non-governmental organizations and non-governmental foundations come to the fore, which in close cooperation can give deputies of local councils the opportunity to learn throughout their lives and update their knowledge in the areas of governance that they need today. One such organization is the All- Ukrainian NGO Institute of Political Education (IPE), which has been conducting non-formal education activities for local government officials and local council members for more than 10 years with the support of international NGOs. Thus, in the period 2011-2018, more than 1,000 deputies of local councils and public activists from different regions of Ukraine took part in the training within the project "Strengthening Local Democracy" (supported by NED). In 2020, IPO began cooperating with another international non-governmental organization - the DOBRE Program. In 2020-2021, more than 500 people (392 deputies and 141 local government officials) took part in the training with the support of this Program. Participants in training projects can now not only better manage their own status, rights and responsibilities as people's deputies, but also know the specifics of the budget process, land and communal spheres. In addition, the training included soft-skills units aimed at training deputies to better communicate their views, defend their position, communicate effectively with opponents, voters, and more. The study concludes that international NGOs form an educational platform for local government representatives, deputies of local councils, and Ukrainian NGOs on the basis of this platform create an educational environment aimed at activating Ukrainian society, strengthening the influence of civil society on relations with the authorities, promoting Ukraine's European integration and improving the lives of Ukrainian citizens.


2021 ◽  
pp. 13-41
Author(s):  
Ella Volodymyrivna Bystrytska

Abstract: A series of imperial decrees of the 1820s ordering the establishment of a Greco-Uniate Theological Collegium and appropriate consistories contributed to the spread of the autocratic synodal system of government and the establishment of control over Greek Uniate church institutions in the annexed territories of Right-Bank Ukraine. As a result, the Greco-Uniate Church was put on hold in favor of the government's favorable grounds for the rapid localization of its activities. Basilian accusations of supporting the Polish November Uprising of 1830-1831 made it possible to liquidate the OSBM and most monasteries. The transfer of the Pochaiv Monastery to the ownership of the Orthodox clergy in 1831 was a milestone in the liquidation of the Greco-Uniate Church and the establishment of a Russian-style Orthodox mono-confessionalism. On the basis of archival documents, the political motivation of the emperor's decree to confiscate the Pochayiv Monastery from the Basilians with all its property and capital was confirmed. The transfer to the category of monasteries of the 1st class and the granting of the status of a lavra indicated its special role in strengthening the position of the autocracy in the western region of the Russian Empire. The orders of the Holy Synod outline the key tasks of ensuring the viability of the Lavra as an Orthodox religious center: the introduction of continuous worship, strengthening the personal composition of the population, delimitation of spiritual responsibilities, clarifying the affiliation of the printing house. However, maintaining the rhythm of worship and financial and economic activities established by the Basilians proved to be a difficult task, the solution of which required ten years of hard work. In order to make quick changes in the monastery, decisions were made by the emperor and senior government officials, and government agencies were involved at the local level, which required the coordination of actions of all parties to the process.


Author(s):  
Rebecca N. Dudovitz ◽  
Shirley Russ ◽  
Mary Berghaus ◽  
Iheoma U. Iruka ◽  
Jessica DiBari ◽  
...  

Abstract Purpose Understanding the full impact of COVID-19 on U.S. children, families, and communities is critical to (a) document the scope of the problem, (b) identify solutions to mitigate harm, and (c) build more resilient response systems. We sought to develop a research agenda to understand the short- and long-term mechanisms and impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on children’s healthy development, with the goal of devising and ultimately testing interventions to respond to urgent needs and prepare for future pandemics. Description The Life Course Intervention Research Network facilitated a series of virtual meetings that included members of 10 Maternal and Child Health (MCH) research programs, their research and implementation partners, as well as family and community representatives, to develop an MCH COVID-19 Research Agenda. Stakeholders from academia, clinical practice, nonprofit organizations, and family advocates participated in four meetings, with 30–35 participants at each meeting. Assessment Investigating the impacts of COVID-19 on children’s mental health and ways to address them emerged as the highest research priority, followed by studying resilience at individual and community levels; identifying and mitigating the disparate negative effects of the pandemic on children and families of color, prioritizing community-based research partnerships, and strengthening local, state and national measurement systems to monitor children’s well-being during a national crisis. Conclusion Enacting this research agenda will require engaging the community, especially youth, as equal partners in research co-design processes; centering anti-racist perspectives; adopting a “strengths-based” approach; and integrating young researchers who identify as Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC). New collaborative funding models and investments in data infrastructure are also needed.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Vogelpohl

AbstractThe bioeconomy is nowadays widely proclaimed by governments and corporations around the world as a new paradigm for a sustainable economy. Essentially, it broadly denotes the promotion, development and establishment of the use of biogenic resources in diverse kinds of industrial technologies, production processes and products. Yet, in order for the bioeconomy to be sustainable, it has to be assured that these biogenic resources are sourced sustainably. In the last 30 years, transnational sustainability certification (TSC) has established itself as a popular instrument in this context, for example in the case of European biofuels sustainability regulation. In the last decade or so, however, TSC initiatives in several biomass production sectors like palm oil, soy, fruits, aquaculture or fisheries—mostly initiated by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and corporations from the Global North—are increasingly met with resistance from actors from the resource-producing countries, mostly located in the Global South. Issues brought up in this context concern their lack of legitimacy and respect for national regulatory sovereignty and conflicting priorities in terms of sustainable development. Consequently, governmental and corporate actors from the resource-producing countries have developed sustainability standards that now at least partly compete with TSC. Against this background, this contribution investigates this apparent dilemma of biomass certification by taking stock of existing TSC initiatives and territorial responses to them in several sectors of the bioeconomy in order to discover general patterns and dynamics of transnational biomass sustainability certification. This analysis is based on a review of existing empirical studies on these issues as well as on conceptual literature on discourse coalitions and transnational hybrid governance for the classification of the different aspects and developments in the individual sectors. Results show that TSC is indeed challenged in all sectors around story lines of sovereignty and sustainability, employed by closely associated state and industry actors in the specific context of the prevalent state-industry relations and the practices and institutions of the respective international political economies. Beyond this general pattern, these alternative systems take on different shapes and complex relations between transnational and territorial sustainability governance emerge that are not always antagonistic, but also exist in parallel or even complementarily and involve various hybrid configurations of public and private actors. Overall, this casts some doubt on the potential of TSC as an instrument to safeguard the sustainability of the bioeconomy and shows one of its potential pitfalls, which is reflected upon in the conclusion.


2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 47-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
VIRGÍNIA TALAVEIRA VALENTINI TRISTÃO ◽  
JOSÉ AMÉRICO MARTELLI TRISTÃO

Abstract Environmental education practiced by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) presents itself as a new teaching method directed at changing habits, attitudes and social practices seeking solutions for the social-environmental degradation afflicting the contemporary world. This work seeks to identify the perception and expectations of stakeholders regarding the contribution of NGOs in environmental education. The research was guided by the Delphi method and, as a result, verified that the involved stakeholders understand that environmental education practiced by NGOs must be ample, free, professionalized and directed towards all the segments of society via partnerships with public and private sector organizations.


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