Violence and Avoidance Behavior: The Case of the Mexican Drug War

2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jose Roberto Balmori de la Miyar

AbstractThis paper examines the effect of violence, originated from the Mexican Drug War, on avoidance behavior. The analysis uses three different variables to capture avoidance behavior by easiness to do, during the past year: refrained from going out at night (easy-to-avoid), refrained from carrying cash (medium-to-avoid) and refrained from using public transportation (hard-to-avoid). Data comes from different government sources and crime victimization surveys. Results suggest a violence effect of 6.72% on refrained from going out at night, 3.52% on refrained from carrying cash and 1.20% on refrained from using public transportation.

Author(s):  
Omar García-Ponce ◽  
Thomas Zeitzoff ◽  
Leonard Wantchekon

Abstract Are individuals in violent contexts reluctant to tackle corruption for fear of future violence? Or does violence mobilize them to fight corruption? We investigate these questions looking at the effects of fear and violence stemming from the Mexican Drug War on attitudes toward corruption. We conducted two surveys before the 2012 Mexican presidential election. First, as part of a nationally representative survey, we find a positive correlation between fear of violence and willingness to accept corruption in exchange for lower levels of violence. To disentangle causal effects, we conducted a follow-up survey experiment in Greater Mexico City where we manipulated fear over the Drug War. We find that individuals within this context are not easily scared. Those who received a common fear-inducing manipulation do not report higher levels of fear and are less willing to tolerate corruption. Conversely, we find strong evidence that individuals who have been victims of crime are more likely to report both higher levels of fear and willingness to accept corruption if it lowers violence. Our findings suggest that voters are more strategic and resilient in the face of violence than many extant theories of political behavior suggest.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ryan Brown ◽  
Verónica Montalva ◽  
Duncan Thomas ◽  
Andrea Velásquez

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Amilcar Orlian Fernandez-Dominguez

AbstractAccording to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), violence should be considered by examining both actual and perceived crime. However, the studies related to violence and internal migration under the Mexican drug war episode focus only on one aspect of violence (perception or actual), so their conclusions rely mostly on limited evidence. This article complements previous work by examining the effects of both perceived and actual violence on interstate migration through estimation of a gravity model along three 5-year periods spanning from 2000 to 2015. Using the methods of generalized maximum entropy (to account for endogeneity) and the Blinder–Oaxaca decomposition, the results show that actual violence (measured by homicide rates) does affect migration, but perceived violence explains a greater proportion of higher average migration after 2005. Since this proportion increased after 2010 and actual violence, the results suggest that there was some adaptation to the new levels of violence in the period 2010–2015.


Author(s):  
Joshua Hurtado Hurtado

While there has been research focusing on security issues in Mexico in the context of the Mexican Drug War and the effects of violence on its population, little has been done to explore the relationship between public-official discourse, political practices and mourning at a societal level. Using the Logics of Critical Explanation (LCE) framework developed by Jason Glynos and David Howarth, and focusing on the notions of mourning and melancholia at a societal level, this paper argues that the conditions for mourning at a societal level have not been met in public-official discourse regarding the security policy and the Mexican Drug War, resulting in subjects experiencing blocked mourning. It views the Peace and Reconciliation Forums as a political logic that seeks to differentiate the approach taken by the incoming López Obrador administration in relation to security strategy formulation and attention to victims and Human Rights’ groups. It also argues that while the forums themselves have some attributes that could pave the way for successful mourning to occur, a comprehensive set of practices needs to materialize that addresses the concerns of violence-affected subjects.


Author(s):  
Tim Newburn

What is happening to crime? Are things getting better or worse, and in what ways? ‘Understanding recent trends in crime’ examines recorded crime trends and data from victimization surveys from America, Canada, England and Wales, and Australia. All four Western democracies display similar patterns: rising crime in the post-war years, hitting a peak somewhere between the late 1980s and late 1990s, then falling steeply for the fifteen‒twenty-five years since. This leaves two big questions: why did crime increase in the early decades after the Second World War; and, why has it been declining in the past fifteen‒twenty-five years? The reasons for the post-war crime explosion are discussed.


2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 213-246 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jose Roberto Balmori de la Miyar

AbstractMilitary crackdowns often disrupt economic development by exacerbating violence. This paper examines the case of the Mexican Drug War, employing synthetic control methods. To prove causality, I use variation on statewide military operations, as well as the rollout of the war. Findings indicate a decrease in GDP per capita equal to 0.5%, in states with military operations. Determinants by which the Mexican Drug War hampered economic development include a proportional reduction in consumption per capita, and a decline in productive investment of at least 0.3%, driven by a drop of 3.2% in commercial credit granted to businesses.


2015 ◽  
Vol 105 (6) ◽  
pp. 1738-1779 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melissa Dell

Drug trade-related violence has escalated dramatically in Mexico since 2007, and recent years have also witnessed large-scale efforts to combat trafficking, spearheaded by Mexico's conservative PAN party. This study examines the direct and spillover effects of Mexican policy toward the drug trade. Regression discontinuity estimates show that drug-related violence increases substantially after close elections of PAN mayors. Empirical evidence suggests that the violence reflects rival traffickers' attempts to usurp territories after crackdowns have weakened incumbent criminals. Moreover, the study uses a network model of trafficking routes to show that PAN victories divert drug traffic, increasing violence along alternative drug routes. (JEL D72, D85, K42, O17, Z13)


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