scholarly journals Conflict Externalization and the Quest for Peace: Theory and Case Evidence from Colombia

2020 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hector Galindo-Silva
Keyword(s):  
Peace Process ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Costs And Benefits ◽  
Domestic Conflict ◽  
International Dispute ◽  
Colombian Government ◽  
Rebel Group ◽  
The Government ◽  
Foreign Actor ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractI study the relationship between the likelihood of a violent domestic conflict and the risk that such a conflict “externalizes” (i.e. spreads to another country by creating an international dispute). I consider a situation in which a domestic conflict between a government and a rebel group has the potential to externalize. I show that the risk of externalization increases the likelihood of a peaceful outcome, but only if the government is sufficiently powerful relative to the rebels, the risk of externalization is sufficiently high, and the foreign actor who can intervene in the domestic conflict is sufficiently uninterested in material costs and benefits. I show how this model helps to understand the recent and successful peace process between the Colombian government and the country’s most powerful rebel group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC).

Poor peacebuilding risks power vacuums in Colombia

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Aid ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Aid Workers ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Framework Agreement ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Local Populations ◽  
Colombian Government ◽  
The Government

Subject Shadow governance in Colombia. Significance On March 30, the Colombian government and the National Liberation Army (ELN) signed a framework agreement in Caracas formally to launch peace talks. Meanwhile, negotiations between the government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) are in their final stages. The coordination of negotiations with Colombia's two leftist guerrilla groups is crucial in ensuring the security and stability of their territorial strongholds after they make peace. Impacts Necessary peacebuilding cooperation with guerrillas will leave the government open to attacks from the opposition and peace process critics. The success of foreign aid workers will depend on their building local democratic capacities rather than assisting the government. State efforts to tackle BACRIM encroachment by force could destroy any hard-won legitimacy with local populations.

scholarly journals Legal challenges posed by the war on drugs and the fight against organized crime in Colombia

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Antoine Perret ◽  
Ruth Cristina García
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
War On Drugs ◽  
International Humanitarian Law ◽  
Humanitarian Law ◽  
Specific Procedure ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Drug Trafficking Organizations ◽  
Legal Challenges ◽  
Colombian Government ◽  
The Government

This article aims to highlight the evolution of crime in Colombia and how it is a drawback to the current understanding of the applicability of international humanitarian law. The peace agreement between the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-FARC, the government and the emerging armed actors are a challenge to Colombian law and legal institutions. Accordingly, the article concluded that the use of force by the Colombian government against drug trafficking organizations, or so-called Criminal Gangs-BACRIM, does not seem to be the legal way to combat them since these organizations do not necessarily participate in hostilities, which means that the government has to follow a specific procedure.  

MAIN ASPECTS OF MILITARY AND ECONOMIC SCIENCE IN UKRAINE

2019 ◽  
pp. 124-129
Author(s):  
L. Semenenko ◽  
O. Semenenko ◽  
A. Efimenko ◽  
Y. Dobrovolsky ◽  
S. Stolinets
Keyword(s):  
Science Studies ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The State ◽  
Economic Science ◽  
Economic Needs ◽  
The Government ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Military Development ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship

The article reveals the authors' views on the definition of the functions, structure of the military-economic science, its potential and development prospects in modern conditions of the relationship between war and economy.Military science and the military economy are linked by a common object of research, which is - war. The military economy makes recommendations on the most expedient economic policy within the military development of the country's armed forces, in order to address the issues of comprehensive provision of military (defense) needs of the state.The development of their own Armed Forces requires the creation of certain optimal conditions for their livelihoods. Creating and substantiating these conditions is one of the main tasks of military-economic science. Today, the main objective that it faces in the development of the Armed Forces should be to help the Government and the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine, based on military groups located on the territory of Ukraine, to create their own Armed Forces that must meet the necessary (definite) level of military hazards, and also be economically feasible for Ukraine.Military-economic science studies economic processes and relationships that arise in connection with the preparation, conduct of the war by its localization and evasiveness. Military-economic science has its own laws, for example, the economic development of the country depend: the course and consequences of the war; defense capability of the state; moral spirit of personnel; development of armament and military equipment; the combat capability of the Armed Forces, etc.The main results of the article are the definition of: the main directions of the development of military-economic science; the basic principles of satisfaction of material and military-economic needs of the state; ways to meet military and economic needs, as well as the main issues of satisfaction of military and economic needs.In modern conditions, the relationship between war, politics and the economy has become more durable. The economy began to directly participate in the preparation and conduct of the war. Therefore, the national economy must be well prepared for the war and for the economic provision of its own Armed Forces.

“Spoiling” in the Public Sphere: Political Opposition to Peace Negotiations and the Referendum Campaign in Colombia

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Joana Amaral
Keyword(s):  
Peace Process ◽  
Public Information ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Political Opposition ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Impact

Abstract Peace referendums can be exploited by political actors who may gain politically from opposing a peace process. This article explores how political opposition affects peace negotiations, particularly when a referendum is used to ratify an agreement, through the study of the Colombian peace negotiations between the government of President Santos and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). It finds that the exclusive character of the negotiations, coupled with their confidentiality, contributed to the political opposition’s capacity to influence public opinion against the peace process and to reject the peace agreement in the 2016 referendum. This qualitative study is based on the content analysis of reports, memoirs and interviews with key negotiation delegates, journalists and representatives of the referendum campaigns. It argues that political inclusion in peace negotiations can help prevent referendum spoiling, while public information and education during the negotiations can reduce the impact of disinformation and manipulation campaigns.

Violence may weaken FARC's position in Colombia talks

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Public Image ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Confidence Measures ◽  
Colombian Government ◽  
Slow Progress ◽  
The Government

Subject Colombia confidence measures Significance Following confidence-building measures (CBMs) and a rare period of cooperation between the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the Colombian government, a rebel attack in April has undermined the fragile trust. The government appears unmoved on the issue of a bilateral ceasefire and with each FARC attack damaging its public image, the rebels' acts of violence may prove counterproductive at the negotiating table. Impacts The FARC attack raises questions over the organisation's cohesion and its potential to fracture in the event of a peace agreement. Reduced trust between the government and the FARC could slow progress at the negotiation table and weaken the FARC's hand. Failure to secure a deal that mid-level commanders consider fair could encourage the group's fragmentation.

Colombia violence to rise as elections approach

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Transitional Justice ◽  
Local Community ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Major Step ◽  
Content Type ◽  
New Era ◽  
The Government ◽  
Roll Out

Subject Peace process. Significance The 2016 peace deal between the government and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, FARC) was a major step towards ending more than half a century of armed conflict and was hailed by many as the dawn of a new era for Colombia. However, the roll-out of the deal is facing institutional, social and financial challenges amid increasing polarisation fuelled by President Ivan Duque’s attempts to reform the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP), the transitional justice system created to facilitate the peace process. Impacts The reopening of the debate on the statutory law of the JEP has set a dangerous precedent for future negotiations with other armed groups. Dissident FARC groups constitute a growing threat to security in a number of peripheral regions. Military scandals threaten further to undermine faith in the state’s commitment to peace, encouraging more demobilised rebels to rearm. Acts of intimidation and violence against local community leaders will increase ahead of October’s regional and local elections.

scholarly journals Making Up Soldiers: The Role of Statistical Oversight and Reactive Path Dependence in the Effectiveness of Canada’s WWII Mobilization Program 1940-1943

2014 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 547-565 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scott N Thompson
Keyword(s):  
Path Dependence ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Key Factors ◽  
Social Categories ◽  
The Government ◽  
New Policies ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Second World

This paper demonstrates the relationship between specific surveillance technologies and state actors’ capacity to assert governmentally ascribed social categories, and their associated performances, onto individuals and populations. During the Second World War in Canada, the government passed legislation to conscript individuals into the Armed Forces. The program commenced in 1940, mandating a registration of all those over the age of sixteen. The conscription of men classified to be “mobilized” began soon after, however, the effectiveness of the National Registration and mobilization system to conscript these identified individuals increased dramatically with the adoption of a new set of surveillance technologies in March 1942. These changes led to significant increases in the number of men that were conscripted per month after 1942, pointing to the capacity of these new policies and technologies to assert greater statistical oversight over system staff and its targeted populations. These surveillant practices and technologies also prompted the development of a form of reactive path dependence. Together, these two points served as key factors which worked to alter the observable performances of individuals classified for conscription.

Flaws may undermine fragile South Sudan peace process

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
South Sudan ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Local Actors ◽  
The Government

Significance The warring parties in September signed the latest in a string of peace deals to end five years of civil war. However, one month in, fighting continues and many are gloomy about the prospect of the deal holding. Impacts Implementation will be fraught with challenges and flashpoints, not least cantonment of armed forces and reintegration of rebel soldiers. Anger will grow among those who see the deal as yet another elite pact that fails to address the ‘root causes’ of conflict. Fragmented opposition forces will pose less of a threat to the government but leave large areas under the shifting control of local actors.

scholarly journals Memory and Trauma: Soldier Victims in the Colombian Armed Conflict

SAGE Open ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 215824402094069
Author(s):  
Ulf Thoene ◽  
Roberto García Alonso ◽  
Camila Andrea Blanco Bernal
Keyword(s):  
Historical Memory ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Memory And Trauma ◽  
Mixed Feelings ◽  
Colombian Government ◽  
International Obligations ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Negative Feelings ◽  
The Military

The Colombian government signed a revised version of the Havana Peace Deal with the country’s main guerrilla group, Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), in November 2016, giving rise to a set of new opportunities and challenges for the South American nation. Societies that make the transition from conflict to peace need to seek truth, justice, and reparation concerning massive and systematic violations. Thus truth, history, and historical memory (HM) are central to reconciliation and play a key role in fulfilling the national and international obligations of the state. HM in Colombia has emerged mainly from the voices of victims, generating a narrative of events in which the discourses of members of the Armed Forces has, by and large, tended either to be out of place, or is regarded as the perpetrators’ account. Military personnel have usually been perceived to be offenders or perpetrators; finding the “truth” based on narratives of traumatic events is complex. This research contributes to the debate on HM in Colombia and the right to truth, exploring the narratives and emotions of traumatized soldiers who suffered permanent physical injuries, and presenting the results of an interdisciplinary project conducted via a series of in-depth interviews. It brought to light important accounts and deeply negative feelings toward the perpetrators of violence and the government, but also mixed feelings about the institution of the military that soldier victims continue to harbor.

Securing Participation and Protection in Peace Agreements

2018 ◽  
pp. 460-474
Author(s):  
Isabela Marín Carvajal ◽  
Eduardo Álvarez-Vanegas
Keyword(s):  
Peace Process ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Structural Factors ◽  
Research Experience ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
Meaningful Participation ◽  
Peace Agreements ◽  
Women's Participation ◽  
Colombian Government ◽  
Decision Making Processes

Women’s participation in the Colombian peace process constitutes an outstanding case in comparison with other peace negotiations processes, due to the efforts made by unofficial actors. Nevertheless, during the negotiation period, selective violence against social leaders increased, affecting their mobilizations and capacity to meaningful contribute. This chapter critically evaluates developments in scholarship and policymaking that considers the WPS pillars of participation and protection and their inclusion in peace agreements. To do so, the chapter draws upon the case of the Havana peace process, led by the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Columbia (FARC), between 2012 and 2016. The analysis derives from a research experience at the Fundación Ideas para la Paz (Bogotá, Colombia), exploring women’s participation in Columbia’s peace negotiations. Drawing on examples from the Colombian case, the chapter demonstrates the importance of accounting for women’s preexisting forms of participation and knowledge. It also argues that affirmative measures that encourage women’s meaningful participation in peace negotiations will be ineffective if the underlying structural factors that exclude women from decision-making processes more broadly remain unaddressed.

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