“Spoiling” in the Public Sphere: Political Opposition to Peace Negotiations and the Referendum Campaign in Colombia

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Joana Amaral
Keyword(s):  
Peace Process ◽  
Public Information ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Political Opposition ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Impact

Abstract Peace referendums can be exploited by political actors who may gain politically from opposing a peace process. This article explores how political opposition affects peace negotiations, particularly when a referendum is used to ratify an agreement, through the study of the Colombian peace negotiations between the government of President Santos and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). It finds that the exclusive character of the negotiations, coupled with their confidentiality, contributed to the political opposition’s capacity to influence public opinion against the peace process and to reject the peace agreement in the 2016 referendum. This qualitative study is based on the content analysis of reports, memoirs and interviews with key negotiation delegates, journalists and representatives of the referendum campaigns. It argues that political inclusion in peace negotiations can help prevent referendum spoiling, while public information and education during the negotiations can reduce the impact of disinformation and manipulation campaigns.

scholarly journals Women, peace and international security: the Havana Agreement for peace in Colombia

2019 ◽  
pp. 73-90
Author(s):  
Elena DE OLIVEIRA SCHUCK ◽  
Lívia BRITO
Keyword(s):  
International Security ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
Peace Agreements ◽  
Specific Analysis ◽  
The Government

Armed conflicts have different impacts on women. In this regard, women’s civil society organizations are inserted in the international political arenas in order to guarantee their rights in warfare contexts. In the case of conflicts in Colombia, women are identified not only as combatants and victims, but also as members of women civil organizations for peacebuilding. These organizations played a prominent role in the elaboration of the peace agreement between the Government of Colombia and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) in Havana, Cuba, between 2012 and 2016. This article proposes an analysis of the theoretical production on peace, international security, feminism and subalternity, to present the specific case of the conflict in Colombia and its gender perspectives. The results indicate that peace agreements can be instruments of political inclusion and reparation for women affected by armed conflicts. In highlighting the role of political minorities in the international peace negotiations in Colombia, this research contributes to the development and expansion of critical perspectives —feminist and subaltern— on international security and studies for peace. Moreover, building upon the specific analysis of the Havana Agreement, this paper aims to contribute to the inclusion of a gender perspective in future peace agreements.

scholarly journals The effects of armed conflict on forest cover changes across temporal and spatial scales in the Colombian Amazon

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Oscar V. Bautista-Cespedes ◽  
Louise Willemen ◽  
Augusto Castro-Nunez ◽  
Thomas A. Groen
Keyword(s):  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Forest Cover ◽  
Spatial Scales ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Forest Cover Changes ◽  
The Government ◽  
Colombian Amazon

AbstractThe Amazon rainforest covers roughly 40% of Colombia’s territory and has important global ecological functions. For more than 50 years, an internal war in the country has shaped this region. Peace negotiations between the government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) initiated in 2012 resulted in a progressive de-escalation of violence and a complete ceasefire in 2016. This study explores the role of different deforestation drivers including armed conflict variables, in explaining deforestation for three periods between 2001 and 2015. Iterative regression analyses were carried out for two spatial extents: the entire Colombian Amazon and a subset area which was most affected by deforestation. The results show that conflict variables have positive relationships with deforestation; yet, they are not among the main variables explaining deforestation. Accessibility and biophysical variables explain more variation. Nevertheless, conflict variables show divergent influence on deforestation depending on the period and scale of analysis. Based on these results, we develop deforestation risk maps to inform the design of forest conservation efforts in the post-conflict period.

Frozen Negotiations: The Peace Process in Chiapas

2006 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raúúl Beníítez Manaut ◽  
Andrew Selee ◽  
Cynthia J. Arnson
Keyword(s):  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Democratic Transition ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Democratic Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Government ◽  
Better Than

Mexico's democratic transition has helped reduce, if not eliminate, the threat of renewed armed conflict in Chiapas. However, absent more active measures from the government and the Ejéército Zapatista de Liberacióón Nacional (EZLN) to seek a permanent peace agreement and come to terms with the legacies of the past, the conflict will linger on in an unstable déétente, which we term ““armed peace.”” While this situation is far better than the open hostilities of the past, it also belies the promise of a fully democratic society in which all citizens are equally included in the political process. La transicióón democráática en Mééxico ha contribuido a reducir, si no eliminar, la posibilidad de que el conflicto armado en Chiapas se reanude. Sin embargo, sin esfuerzos mas activos por parte del gobierno y del Ejéército Zapatista de Liberacióón Nacional (EZLN) para buscar un acuerdo de paz permanente y saldar cuentas con el pasado, el conflicto permaneceráá en un estado inestable que llamamos ““paz armada””. Aunque esta situacióón es mucho mejor que las tensiones y agresiones del pasado, no cumple los requisitos de una sociedad plenamente democráática en que todos los ciudadanos participan en condiciones de igualdad en el proceso políítico.

scholarly journals The Influence of Rational Dimension in the GPH-MILF Peace Process

2018 ◽  
pp. 145-152 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Community Involvement ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Strategic Interactions ◽  
Actor Model ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
The Government ◽  
Rational Factor ◽  
New Perspective ◽  
Shed Light

Resolution of the so-called “Bangsamoro Question” rests at the heart of the peace process between the Government of the Philippines (GPH) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) in the Southern Philippines, also known as the Bangsamoro homeland. Inspired by Allison and Zelikow’s conceptualization of Rational Actor Model (RAM), this paper analyzed how rational factor contributed to the conclusion of the Comprehensive Agreement on Bangsamoro (CAB) in 2014 and eventually enshrined into the Philippine Constitution through the approval of the Bangsamoro Organic Law (BOL) on July 27, 2018. This paper argued that the success of the GPH-MILF peace process does not only depend on the sincerity of the administrations of both then President Aquino III and current President Duterte, international support or commitment, pressure from civil societies and community involvement as what many commentators provided. As shown in this paper, the rational factor and its dimension significantly affected actors’ strategic interactions and the GPH-MILF peace process per se. The findings offered a new perspective for conflict-resolution and shed light on how rational dimension impacted both actors’ strategic interactions, which led to the conclusion of the GPH-MILF peace agreement. This clearly indicated that rational dimension greatly influenced GPH and MILF’s strategic interactions and thereby took flexible attitudes to resolve outstanding issues between them which consequently led to the signing of the CAB and ultimately the ratification of the BOL in 2018.

scholarly journals Impact of the Peace Agreement on the social determinants of health in Colombia

2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Edna Johana Mondragón-Sánchez ◽  
Reinaldo Gutiérrez Barreiro ◽  
Marcos Venícios de Oliveira Lopes ◽  
Ana Karina Bezerra Pinheiro ◽  
Priscila de Souza Aquino ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Social Determinants Of Health ◽  
Social Determinants ◽  
Social Inequalities ◽  
Positive Impact ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Determinants Of Health ◽  
Structural Determinants ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Impact

ABSTRACT Objectives: to analyze the impact of the Colombian Peace Agreement on the structural social determinants of health. Methods: a descriptive, ecological study, based on documentary data from 2008 to 2018. The records of victims, epidemiological indicators, and structural social determinants of health in Colombia were analyzed. Results: there was a correlation between the period in which the Peace Agreement process was developed and the indicators of structural determinants in health with p<0.05. With the Poisson regression analysis, the favorable correlations between the peace process and the determinants were confirmed, besides allowing the understanding of the changes in these indicators before the Peace Agreement. Conclusions: the implementation of the peace process has a positive impact on structural social determinants of health, which is observed by the beginning of the decrease of economic, educational, health, and social inequalities and inequities, a fact that offers the possibility of living in peace.

scholarly journals Humanitarian Assistance of Italy to Ukraine in 2014-2018 рр.

2019 ◽  
pp. 107-124
Author(s):  
Olga Sukhobokova
Keyword(s):  
Public Information ◽  
Humanitarian Aid ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Humanitarian Assistance ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Strong Ties ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Humanitarian Organizations ◽  
Italian Government ◽  
The Government

The article deals with the provision of humanitarian aid to Ukraine by the government and society (citizens) of Italy during the period of Russian armed aggression against Ukraine (2014-2018). Among them are the efforts of the large Ukrainian community in Italy (according to official figures in Italy, there are more than 230 thousand Ukrainians registered). The directions, volumes and methods of relief assistance for Ukrainian military and population in war-affected areas in eastern Ukraine and settlers were analyzed. It was determined that government financial assistance (over 3 million euros was allocated for 2014-2018) during this period came through international humanitarian organizations, which deal with the civilian people affected by the armed conflict and the program of demining of ukrainian territories. The Ukrainian community in Italy provides individual assistance (from individuals) and from organizations (for example, the Congress of Ukrainians in Italy, “EuroMaydan-Rome” and others). Ukrainian communities of entire cities and regions may be involved in collecting a large sum (the most active are Ukrainians in Rome, Brescia, Milan, Naples).Mostly Ukrainians provided cars for units of the Ukrainian Armed Forces and volunteer groups in the area of fighting, equipment, clothes and funds for the needs of Ukrainian defenders, as well as food and gifts for them to holidays, organized humanitarian cargoes for the victims of the war of the population. At the same time, the Ukrainian community in Italy tried to hold public information events in support of Ukraine in the early years of the Russian-Ukrainian War and inform the Italian society and authorities about the events in it.The third source of humanitarian aid for Ukraine in Italy is Italian voluntary associations such as “Italy-Ukraine-Maidan”, which independently delivers the largest humanitarian cargo to the east of Ukraine. Italy’s assistance to Ukraine is considered in the context of the socio-political processes and the foreign policy line of the Italian government. It is determined how the traditional strong ties between Italy and Russia affect for the attitude and assistance to Ukraine.

Statement by the Frelimo Executive Committee on the Events in Portugal

1974 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 58-59
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Cape Verde ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Cape Verde Islands ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Guinea Bissau ◽  
National Salvation ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

On 25 April 1974, we learned from radio broadcasts about the coup d'etat in Portugal by the armed forces which resulted in the ousting of the government of Marcelo Caetano and its replacement by a Junta of National Salvation. This movement, according to its promoters, is intended to provide a solution to the present crisis which the Portuguese regime and society are going through after thirteen years of colonial war.The coup d'etat which has just taken place cannot be seen in isolation. It is a result of the new awareness of growing sectors of the Portuguese people that the purpose of the colonial war launched by the fascist regime is to suppress the colonized peoples’ aspiration to independence and freedom and is against the desire for well-being and political and social democracy of the Portuguese people themselves.At this time we hail, in the first place, the Portuguese democratic forces which for many years have been actively and courageously opposing the colonial wars. This growing awareness is closely bound up with the affirmation of the unshakable will of the Mozambjcan people, and of the peoples of Angola, Guinea-Bissau and the Cape Verde islands, to achieve independence and freedom. This will has taken on material form in the armed struggle for national liberation which has been steadily growing and has already reached vital regions of our country. The coincidence between the crisis of the regime in Portugal and the great advances of the national liberation struggle in Mozambique over the past two years is no accident, but additional proof of the impact of our struggle on the situation in Portugal. The determinant factor of the situation in Portugal and the colonies has been and still is the struggle of our peoples. And the fundamental issue upon which the solution of all other problems depends is the independence of the peoples of Mozambique, Angola and Guinea-Bissau and the Cape Verde islands, as well as that of the remaining Portuguese colonies.

CIAC: adopting postconflict strategies

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Juan Dario Hernández ◽  
Juan Camilo Calderón ◽  
Iván Felipe Rodríguez ◽  
Jaime Andrés Bayona
Keyword(s):  
Corporate Strategy ◽  
Strategic Change ◽  
Organisational Change ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Master Of Business Administration ◽  
Military Aircraft ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Academic Level ◽  
The Government

Learning outcomes Identify the influence of contextual variables (i.e. politics) in the strategy of a military organisation. Analyse and evaluate strategic change options of a military organisation. Decide on a strategic change from the resources and capabilities model. Case overview/synopsis Colombia Aeronautics Industry Corporation (CIAC) is a Colombian mixed economy company that commercialises, maintains and repairs civil and military aircraft and aeronautical components. The case presents the decision that the manager must make regarding a change in corporate strategy because of the entry into force of the peace agreement between the Government of Colombia and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). This agreement assumes that the main line of business of the CIAC would be weakened (i.e. repair of military aircraft used in the internal armed conflict with FARC), because in a new peace scenario, the aircraft would not need as much maintenance as in the most critical stages of the conflict. Complexity academic level Master of Business Administration level (suggested courses: strategy, strategic management and organisational change). Undergraduate level (suggested courses: strategy and organisational change). Supplementary materials Teaching notes are available for educators only. Please contact your library to gain login details or email [email protected] to request teaching notes. Subject code CSS 11: Strategy.

The Ripe Moment for Civil Society

2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diana Aljets ◽  
Betsie Chacko ◽  
Maria Jessop
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Sierra Leone ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Peace Negotiations

AbstractThis article explores whether and how civil society engagement in a peace process can 'ripen' the conditions and facilitate the success of a peace process. The activities and methods of the Inter-religious Council of Sierra Leone are examined for their impact on each stage of the peace process with a view to shedding light on how civil society can help create the ripe conditions for formal peace negotiations, be an effective participant in negotiations, as well as improve the sustainability of a peace agreement.

scholarly journals Posconflicto colombiano y sus efectos económicos

2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (27) ◽  
pp. 23 ◽  
Author(s):  
María Ruiz Diaz ◽  
John Galeano Raquejo ◽  
Edwin Gil Mateus
Keyword(s):  
Direct Investment ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Negotiation Process ◽  
Country Risk ◽  
Internal Conflict ◽  
Goods And Services ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Percentage Points ◽  
The Government

<p align="center">Resumen</p><p> </p><p>Las negociaciones de paz del gobierno con las denominadas Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC) podrían tener efectos sobre la economía colombiana. Por ello se esbozan  tres escenarios –pesimista, neutral y optimista– en los que se distingan efectos a nivel financiero y de comercio internacional en los cinco años posteriores a la finalización del proceso de negociación. Partiendo del estudio de casos en cinco países que enfrentaron la terminación de un conflicto interno, por vía militar o diplomática, se analizaron variables sobre las cuales se podría prever un efecto, teniendo en cuenta el posconflicto y el desenlace de las negociaciones de paz entre la guerrilla y el Gobierno. Se concluye que en los cinco años posteriores a la firma del acuerdo, la balanza de bienes y servicios crecería entre el 3% y  6%; el comercio lo haría entre 10% y 15%; el Riesgo País se incrementaría alrededor de 4 puntos; la Inversión Extranjera Directa (IED) aumentaría entre 40% y 50%; el crecimiento del PIB anual estaría 1 ó 2 puntos porcentuales más alto que el actual y el gasto militar disminuiría al 10% como porcentaje del PIB.</p><p> </p><p align="center">Abstract</p><p> </p><p>The government peace negotiations with the so-called Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) could have an impact on the Colombian economy, being relevant to analyze such effects. Therefore three possible scenarios to financial and international trade level for a period of five years, compared to the possible outcomes of the negotiation process are outlined. From case studies in five countries faced the completion of an internal conflict, military or diplomatic channels, variables were analyzed on which could provide an effect, taking into account the post-conflict and outcome of peace negotiations between the guerrillas and the government. It is concluded that in the five years after signing the agreement, the balance of goods and services would grow between 3% and 6%; would trade between 10% and 15% greater; country risk would rise about 4 points; Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) would increase between 40% and 50%; annual GDP growth would be 1 or 2 percentage points higher than the current and military spending would decrease 10% as a percentage of GDP.</p>

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