scholarly journals Permanently in Transit. Middle Eastern Migrants and Refugees in Serbia

Südosteuropa ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-109
Author(s):  
Armina Galijaš
Keyword(s):  
Legal Status ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Great Majority ◽  
Refugee Children ◽  
The Political ◽  
Migrant Population ◽  
Institutional Response ◽  
Final Destination ◽  
In Transit ◽  
State Schools

Abstract Serbia has never been the chosen final destination for refugees from Iraq, Syria, and other beleaguered countries like Afghanistan who have embarked on the so-called Balkan route since 2015. But following the closure of this route in March 2016, between 3,500 and 4,500 migrants have found themselves living in Serbia. This article analyses the composition and changing size of the migrant population, looking at the legal status of individuals and migratory paths taken. It moves on to examine reactions to the migrants from the state authorities and the Serbian public, together with the institutional response manifested in legal measures and infrastructural facilities, and the political contexts in which decisions about these were taken. Specific attention is given to the situation of refugee children who attend state schools in Serbia. The analysis reveals a pragmatic and quite flexible administrative response to the refugees’ situation. However, the remarkable level of tolerance is largely related to awareness that the great majority of those stranded in Serbia are doing everything in their power to continue their journey into central and northern Europe—that is to leave Serbia.

ВОЕННОПЛЕННЫЕСТРАНЧЕТВЕРНОГОСОЮЗАНАТЕРРИТОРИИСТАВРОПОЛЬСКОЙГУБЕРНИИВУСЛОВИЯХПОЛИТИЧЕСКОГОКАТАКЛИЗМА(ФЕВРАЛЬНОЯБРЬ1917Г.)

2019 ◽  
pp. 122-139
Author(s):  
I.V. Kryuchkov
Keyword(s):  
Legal Status ◽  
Prisoners Of War ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Crises ◽  
Regions Of Russia

В представленном материале исследуется положение военнопленных стран Четверного союза на территории Ставропольской губернии. В статье отмечается незначительное ухудшение условий содержания пленных в г. Ставрополе и ряде сел губернии в начале 1917 г., что не отразилось на общей привлекательности губернии для пленных в сравнении с другими регионами России. Февральская революция 1917 г. способствовала либерализации правового статуса пленных. Однако нарастание в стране политического и экономического кризиса привело к ухудшению положения пленных, в том числе в Ставропольской губернии. С осени 1917 г. они всеми доступными средствами стремились покинуть губернию и выехать за пределы России.The position of prisoners of war of the Quadruple Alliance countries on the territory of Stavropol Province is considered in the article. A modest deterioration of the detention conditions of prisoners in Stavropol and certain villages of the province at the beginning of 1917 is marked in the material. The deterioration didnt affect the general attractiveness of the province to prisoners in comparison with other regions of Russia. The February Revolution of 1917 promoted the liberalization of the legal status of prisoners. However, the growth of the political and economic crises in the country led to the deterioration of prisoners position, including Stavropol Province. They had sought to leave the province and Russia by all available means since the autumn of 1917.

Animal Supply

2021 ◽  
pp. 544-556
Author(s):  
Michael MacKinnon
Keyword(s):  
Professional Organizations ◽  
Final Destination ◽  
Roman World ◽  
Large Numbers ◽  
Animal Bones ◽  
In Captivity ◽  
Exotic Animal ◽  
Roman Antiquity ◽  
In Transit

Animals of all types, be these domestic or wild, native or exotic, were routinely required for spectacles and events in the Graeco-Roman world, most notably, perhaps, in the context of the amphitheatre games of Roman antiquity. Behind such events, however, lay networks involved in the capture, transport, and supply of these animals. The integration of ancient textual, iconographical, and archaeological (including zooarchaeological) evidence provides the requisite data to investigate these aspects. Available ancient textual and artistic evidence suggest that soldiers and professional hunters, assisted by civilians and natives as required or demanded, undertook many of these tasks. Guilds or professional organizations of wild beast hunters and merchants provided further administrative, technical, financial, and transport assistance. Equipment involved in capturing the animals varied depending upon factors such as the size, age, or ferocity of the animal, but included a range of nets, cages, and traps, among other methods. Extrapolation from more modern practices, however, suggests that baiting and ambushing, arguably somewhat less noble or brave tactics, likely characterized much of exotic animal capture in antiquity. Treatment for many of these animals, in transit to their final destination, was probably poor; large numbers certainly perished during transport or while in captivity. Available zooarchaeological evidence helps locate exotic animal bones across different contexts in the ancient Graeco-Roman world, including beasts presumably involved in amphitheatre games, but also provides tempering evidence to downplay the magnitude of numbers actually supplied to such events, as is attested in ancient textual and iconographical data.

Christians in Iraq: The Transition from Religious to Secular Identity

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-24
Author(s):  
Herman G.B. Teule
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Identity ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Ethnic Minority ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Minority Rights ◽  
Religious Communities ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Political Choices ◽  
Positive Results

In the Middle Eastern societies, Christians traditionally define themselves as religious communities or churches. This is a continuation of the Ottoman millet system, where religion determined the place one had in society and the patriarch was responsible for the insertion of his community into the state. It not only preserves the traditional ecclesiastical divisions based on dogmatic divergences and church politics but also transposes them to the political field.For a few decades, many lay politicians in Syria considered this system as detrimental to Christian interests. They developed the idea of a common ethnic identity for all churches using Syriac. New political circumstances in Iraq made it possible to give a political translation of this idea by the creation of Christian political parties, defending common ethnic minority rights. Despite some positive results, attempts at creating unity failed, not only because a lack of unanimity about certain political choices but also about the idea of ethnic identity itself.

scholarly journals The Coverage of the Policy of the German Chancellor in the Conditions of the Migration Crisis of 2013-2018 in the Materials of the Magazine "Der Spiegel"

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 497-511
Author(s):  
Galina Voronenkova ◽  
Julia Islanova
Keyword(s):  
Readiness To Change ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Migration Policy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Illegal Migration ◽  
Migration Stream ◽  
Illegal Migrants ◽  
Angela Merkel ◽  
Dublin Regulation ◽  
Migration Crisis

Starting from 2013, the authors of “Der Spiegel” have been actively criticizing the policy of the Chancellor Merkel for inaction in the conditions of an increasing number of migrants from Middle Eastern countries. At the same time, the main opponents of the Chancellor were also criticized for their trying to pull away from the increasing migration problem and to absolve themselves of responsibility for migrants rushing deep into Europe, recalling the terms of the Dublin Regulation. The situation changed in 2015 when Angela Merkel not only recognized the ongoing crisis, but opened the borders of Germany for hundreds of thousands of illegal migrants. Unlike Merkel`s political opponents and even many party fellows, “Der Spiegel” supported the Chancellor for her readiness to jeopardize her political career to save European humanistic values. However, it soon became obvious that the Chancellor`s magnanimity wasn`t based on a precise plan for integration. Despite the authors of “Der Spiegel” who like Merkel considered Germany to be the heart of human and hospitable Europe, the center of tolerance, they had to admit that the uncontrolled stream of refugees turned to be a serious threat for the economy, social peace and national security. In 2017, it became obvious that Merkel changed the direction of her migration policy for a more pragmatic one aimed to control the illegal migration, to limit the migration stream from Middle Eastern countries, to develop the system of revealing and deporting illegal migrants. “Der Spiegel” regarded this as her readiness to change her own position according to the political circumstances in favor of the political rating. This led to disappointment and a new wave of criticism.

scholarly journals Institutionalized Ambiguity in Legal Status: Managing Citizenship in the U.S. Imperial Rule of the Philippines

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katrina Quisumbing King
Keyword(s):  
Legal Status ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The Political ◽  
Administrative Capacity ◽  
Law And Policy ◽  
State Actors ◽  
Political Realm ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Scholarly Attention ◽  
Do So

A perennial question in the scholarship of the state asks how states rule and expand their capacity to do so. Scholars have paid special attention to activities that rationalize and build administrative capacity, known as legibility projects. Alongside these projects, state actors also rule through ambiguous and unclear techniques that have been given less scholarly attention. I introduce the concept of institutionalized ambiguity in legal status to extend the study of state rule. I ask what generates ambiguity, what purposes it serves in law and policy, and what consequences it has for the management of populations. I propose an analytic approach that draws attention to equivocation in law as enabling classificatory debates and discretion in the political realm. To illustrate the purchase of institutionalized ambiguity in legal status, I analyze how, during the years of formal imperial rule (1898-1946), U.S. state actors debated the racial fitness and membership of Filipinos in the imagined U.S. nation. I consider the broader implications of this analysis for scholars of modern state formation and suggest that foundational conflicts over national identity can be institutionalized in law, in turn facilitating a range of contradictory, but co-existing, legally defensible policies.

‘Dis(re)membered and Unaccounted For’: ‭שגליפ‬ in the Hebrew Bible

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 415-434
Author(s):  
Isabelle Hamley
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Violence ◽  
Hebrew Bible ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Conflicts ◽  
Polygamous Marriage ◽  
Narrative Patterns

Concubines, ‭שגליפ‬ in the Hebrew Bible, are shadowy women whose presence weaves in and out of narratives of violence and conflict. Most of them are unnamed and appear simply in genealogies and harem lists. Their exact legal status is unknown; they stand between primary wives and slave-wives, seemingly legitimate yet treated with little regard or protection. This article examines the narrative patterns surrounding ‭שגליפ‬. Four sets of texts are considered: Bilhah, Jacob's concubine (Gen. 35); the Levite's concubine (Judg. 19); Rizpah, Saul's concubine (2 Sam. 3, 21) and David's concubines (2 Sam. 5, 15, 16, 19, 20). These stories, taken together, reveal a picture of women whose lives were marked by sexual violence and coercion, precariousness and liminality, yet these were women whose legitimate position made them highly vulnerable within the political conflicts of their time. Narrative subtlety and intertextual echoes ensure that their stories indirectly provide a critique of polygamous marriage and mistreatment of inferior partners.

Orgány vyšetřování protistátní trestné činnosti vojenských osob po roce 1948

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stanislav Polnar
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Military Personnel ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Legal Regulation ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Defense ◽  
World War ◽  
Criminal Proceedings ◽  
The Military ◽  
Military Units

Since the end of World War II, the investigation of anti-state delinquency of military personnel was realised by the military intelligence. It originated with Czechoslovak military units in the USSR and were influenced by Soviet security authorities. After 1945 and 1948 these bodies remained in the structure of the Ministry of National Defense, but from the beginning of the 1951 they moved to the structure of the Ministry of the Interior following the Soviet model. The legal status of these bodies was always unclear and did not correspond to the legal regulation. Another important article in the investigation of the political delinquency of soldiers was the military prosecutor’s office as part of the socialist-type prosecutor’s office, which was subjected to general trends in the regulation of criminal proceedings.

RUSSIAN-UZBEKISTAN RELATIONS IN THE LAST YEARS OF THE PRESIDENCY OF ISLAM KARIMOV

2021 ◽  
pp. 10-52
Author(s):  
Konstantin E. Meshcheryakov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
International Organizations ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Condition ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Soviet Space ◽  
Bilateral Cooperation ◽  
Official Sources ◽  
Post Soviet Space

The article investigates the evolution of the Russian-Uzbekistani relations in the last years of the presidency of Islam Karimov (2012–2016). Based on a wide range of official sources and periodicals, it identifies the main trends, achievements and issues of bilateral cooperation in the political, trade, economic and humanitarian spheres. It determines the factors that influenced the interaction between Moscow and Tashkent, and pays a particular attention to the role of the presidents of the two states in the development and strength- ening of their cooperation. The author concludes that throughout the period under review the Rus- sian-Uzbekistani relations faced serious challenges. They were remarkably conflicting, unpredictable, inconsistent, and quite turbulent, what provoked the discussions about the correspondence of their real political condition to their high legal status (in 2004, Russia and Uzbekistan became strategic part- ners, and in 2005, allied states). Nevertheless, the two countries overcame most of their differences and took a course towards the further expansion and deep- ening, as well as modernization of their relations. As a result, at present Uzbeki- stan remains one of the most important Russia’s partners not only in Central Asia, but throughout the post-Soviet space, as well as within the framework of the leading international organizations.

The Homeland Debate, Redux: The Political–Cultural Impact of the 1946–1949 Repatriation to Soviet Armenia

2020 ◽  
pp. 84-125
Author(s):  
Tsolin Nalbantian
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Impact ◽  
National Belonging ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Armenian Identity ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Heating Up

Chapter 2 deals with the 1946-1949 Soviet repatriation drive to collect all worldwide Armenians and “return” them to the ASSR and, specifically, the Lebanese Armenian political-cultural understandings of it. I explore how that initiative formed a chapter of Lebanese (and other Middle Eastern) Armenians’ renegotiation of national belonging in early post-colonial times. And although about a third of all Armenian repatriates travelled via Beirut, I also look at those who remained in Lebanon and in other countries in the Middle East. The emerging Cold War was more than a backdrop to this story. Heating up, the Cold War – and the very divergent readings of, and responses to, the repatriation initiative among Lebanese Armenians – reinforced tensions between Armenian rightists and leftists. Armenians’ response to repatriation did not simply reflect their extant political-cultural positions. Rather, repatriation sharpened those positions. Responses to repatriation echoed issues on the changing Lebanese/Syrian/Armenian identity complex at the dawn of the post-colonial nation-state. The responses to repatriation included a retelling and a reconstitution of the history of the tragedy of the genocide. They also automatically triggered questions about the location and nature of the Armenian homeland, adding fuel to the division between Dashnaks and Armenian leftists.

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