scholarly journals Epizódok II. Ottokár 1273. évi hadjáratából

PONTES ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 253-264
Author(s):  
Orsós Julianna

The paper introduces the principles of the translation of a running project that is aiming to publish all excerption of the Styrian Rhymed Chronicle with Hungarian regards. While giving a short overview about the research areas applying this source, chapters XCVI–XCVII. are also published in Hungarian as a prose translation. These chapters describe remarkable scenes of the campaign 1271 of Ottokar II against the Hungarian Kingdom and Styria as well as they refer to the murder of prince Béla of Macsó (Mačva) and describe the morals and the political infl uence of his mother, the daughter of Béla IV, Anna of Macsó (Mačva).

2015 ◽  
Vol 80 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-12
Author(s):  
Govert Buijs ◽  
Simon Polinder

This introduction proposes that the re-emergence and rediscovery of religion should be seen against the background of globalization on the one hand and localization on the other. These processes require an open dialogue on the architecture and guiding morality of the global order, in which religion is not only a factor to be taken seriously, but also a participant itself. A Christian contribution to this dialogue can draw on an age-old tradition of Jewish and Christian engagement with the political order, manifesting itself in three genres: judgment, expectation, and exhortation. The introduction also explains the aim of the Kuyper seminars and provides a short overview of the articles in this issue.


Author(s):  
Lucy Avraamidou ◽  
Renee Schwartz

AbstractOur purpose in this paper is to put forward an argument about both the need and the value for understanding how the constructs of science identity and the nature of science (NOS) might intersect and intertwine and offer useful insights about science participation in times of crises. Based on our knowledge and understanding of these two research areas, we maintain that science identity research has not been fully engaged in understanding how perspectives on NOS might be intersecting with the questions of who can be (or not) a scientist and who is allowed (or not) in science. In this paper, we argue that the formation of a disrupting science identity that challenges existing constructed systems of power in science, requires robust understandings of NOS that place emphasis on the socially-produced narratives about science and scientists. In doing so, we engage with the following questions: (a) How have understandings of NOS contributed to conceptualizations of who can be a scientist and who is recognized as a scientist? (b) How have these conceptualizations contributed to producing exclusionary narratives and perpetuating inequalities in science? and, (c) How might an exploration of NOS through the lens of science identity be used to promote goals related to equity and social justice?


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (33) ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan S. Larrosa-Fuentes

Interpersonal communication is at the core of every form of human communication system, and the realm of political communication is no exception. Through interpersonal communication, individuals gain knowledge about the political world, understand the common goals and values of their political system, and learn how to participate in political tasks. As do many other research areas, interpersonal communication research faces numerous challenges. There is a lack of conceptual organization and precision about names and labels such as political talk, political conversation, public dialogue, political dialogue, political discussion, political debate, and political deliberation. Apparently, these expressions refer to the same idea: interpersonal communications that fall into the political realm. However, each term has a diverse epistemological, normative, and theoretical background and represents a different way of conceptualizing this idea. This essay suggests a general definition for interpersonal political communication and a matrix that organizes the existing academic knowledge about this topic.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-180
Author(s):  
V. A. Matvienko

The article reviews the main problems of international interaction in the political space of post-Soviet Russia. This research topic has been a burning and vital issue of the day over the last years. Moreover, it has become even more significant and urgent nowadays. From time to time the number of racial tensions and inter-ethnic conflicts is increasing everywhere. This fact is likely to indicate some disadvantages and faults of evaluating the state of international interaction. One of the reasons why it happened is the fact that scholars have not come to an agreement about this issue yet. Having thoroughly examined the current scientific theories and research areas, the author of the article took into consideration the most popular and widespread points of view on the problem. Such factors as the soviet «heritage», integration of ethnic minorities into the cultural space of civil nation, a great many opportunities for preserving national identity, etc. influenced the principles of international interaction in the political space of modern-day Russia. The results of the analysis of the above mentioned factors can be put into practice with a view to assess the potential of international interaction which will let predict their social and political importance and reveal possible flash seats of conflictogenity. The author’s attention is focused on considering the issues of the role of the government in the optimization of inter-ethnic relations. The main fields of concern of public authorities have been investigated. Policy papers and special-purpose programmes have been scrutinized. The author has also outlined the leading political figures’ attitude to this acute problem.


2017 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 623-639 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mimi Sheller

This article reflects on the contributions of the late John Urry to sociology and to its spatial turn especially by developing the new mobilities paradigm. The proposition of this monograph issue of Current Sociology is that space has not yet been appropriately incorporated into sociology. But although partially true, Urry argued that this misses the significance of ‘the mobilities turn’ that swept through and incorporated the spatial turn within sociology but also within other disciplines. Tracing the spatial turn back to the 1980s, the article describes how the new mobilities paradigm grew out of and extended emerging theorizations of space. It argues that Urry’s work advanced a sociology of space though his focus on mobile spatializations and relational space. This included the distribution of agency between people, places, and material assemblages of connectivity; a broader shift in the spatial imagination of mobilities towards ‘non-representational’ social theory; the emergence of new methodologies that were more eclectic, experimental, creative, and linked to arts, design, and public policy; and lastly a renewed interest in geo-ecologies, the political economy of resource flows, and the global mobilities of energy, capital, and material objects as constitutive of spatial complexity. The new mobilities paradigm furthered the spatial turn in social sciences in many crucial ways, and John Urry’s body of work on mobilities and its influence on countless adjacent research areas have spread that spatial thinking far and wide.


2010 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 85
Author(s):  
Ioannis STOURAITIS

<span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Times New Roman','serif'; font-size: 12pt">The Byzantine civil wars have been the subject of studies which aimed to analyze and interpret the political and military dimension of the phenomenon of armed conflicts inside the Byzantine society. The ideological aspect of civil war in Byzantium has received less attention. During my study on Byzantine war ideology, I noticed that there are some cases of Byzantine authors of the period after the 9<sup>th</sup> century that present Byzantine war against another Christian people as a civil one. Beginning with a short overview of the Byzantines’ understanding of the term <em>emphylios polemos</em> which modern researchers interpret usually with the modern term civil war, this study will concentrate on the ideological and political similarities or differences between Byzantine civil war and Byzantine war against Christian enemies.</span><font face="Times New Roman" size="3"> </font><div><br /><div id="ftn4"><p style="margin: 0pt" class="MsoFootnoteText"> </p></div></div>


Author(s):  
Horn Nico

This chapter examines the relationship between the judiciary and executive in Namibia. It begins with a short overview of the last decade before independence to shed some light on the historical tension between the executive and the judiciary that the first democratically elected government inherited. It then considers conflicts that threatened the independence of the judiciary in four different situations: a case where the government ignored judgments against them; the issue of the independence of the prosecutorial authority; the independence of the lower courts; and the indirect influence of the executive on judgments of the court. It concludes that although there has generally been friction between the executive and the judiciary, with the former trying to control the latter, the Namibian judiciary has remained fairly independent and withstood pressure from the executive. This has enabled it to ensure that the executive does not abuse its dominant position.


Author(s):  
Peter Ondrovič

Some studies have suggested that the interim administration (IA) mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) has failed in its aim to transform the society and contributed to a complicated completion of the mission. In this article, primarily reports of the UN General-Secretary (SG) on UNMIK are analyzed to answer the question posed in the title. Important development points during the reporting periods that cover key research areas such as security, political cooperation, Northern Kosovo, ethnic tensions, and violence are analyzed. The transitional process and the mode of transition have been influenced by three important factors that significantly undermined the aim of interim administrators to achieve benchmarks. Moreover, conflicting ethnic interest has emerged as the most influential factor that has had a serious detrimental impact on the mode of transition. The IA has failed to transform individual interests that are still very deeply rooted in the political system and in society. Present diplomatic achievements are still strongly imperiled by a deep hostility in the region, largely because of a chronic ignorance on the part of administrators of the intensity of conflicting ethnic interests. To ensure security in the area an international presence will probably be needed in Kosovo for a very long time.


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